The Men in Steel‑Toes and Calloused Hands — Tired of Being Treated Like Background Noise

Every election cycle, consultants and candidates trot out the same buzzwords: “middle class,” “working families,” “jobs of tomorrow.” But if you’ve spent any time in real Georgia, not the Atlanta studios, not the D.C. think tanks, but the warehouses, the job sites, the break rooms, the logging yards, the ports, and the plant floors you know exactly who gets left out of the conversation.

Blue‑collar voters.  

Not the caricatures. Not the stereotypes.  

The real ones.

The young HVAC apprentice in Pooler.  

The Black warehouse supervisor in Cordele.  

The Latino welder in Gainesville.  

The CNA in Bainbridge  

The trucker in Greensboro  

The correctional officer in Telfair County.  

The line cook in Valdosta.  

The forklift operator in Fort Valley  

These are the people who keep Georgia running, and yet they’re the ones politics forgets first.

But this year feels different. Not because of slogans or speeches, but because a slate of Democratic candidates Michael Thurmond for Governor, Michael McCord in GA‑01, Shawn Harris in GA‑14, Justin Lucas in GA‑12, and Jason Moon for Labor Commissioner come from the kind of lived experience that blue‑collar voters recognize instantly.

They don’t have to pretend to understand working‑class life.  

They’ve lived it.

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The Blue‑Collar Voters Nobody Talks To

1. Young Tradesmen and Working‑Class Millennials

These are the folks who skipped the college‑debt treadmill and went straight into the trades. They’re up before dawn, home after dark, and invisible to most campaigns.

2. Non‑White Working‑Class Voters

Black, Latino, Asian, and immigrant workers who get treated like base voters instead of real people with real economic frustrations.

3. Rural and Exurban Laborers

Mechanics, correctional officers, plant workers, truckers, warehouse crews folks who feel ignored by Democrats and taken for granted by Republicans.

4. “Invisible Industry” Workers

Home health aides, CNAs, janitors, line cooks, hospitality workers, gig drivers. Essential workers who rarely hear their names spoken from a podium.

5. Former Union and De‑Industrialized Workers

People who watched factories close, jobs disappear, and promises evaporate.

These voters aren’t unreachable. They’re just tired of being ignored.

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Why This Slate of Candidates Connects With Them

Let’s be clear: this isn’t about comparing candidates. It’s about explaining why some voters believe this group of Democrats speaks naturally to the people politics usually overlooks.

Michael Thurmond — Governor

Thurmond’s life story is working‑class Georgia. He talks about work like someone who’s done it, not studied it. He’s spent decades building trust across rural, urban, and suburban communities. Some voters believe his candidacy could bring blue‑collar Georgians—especially rural and non‑white working‑class men—back into the picture.

Michael McCord — GA‑01

Down in the First District, McCord’s background resonates with the port workers, logistics crews, and military families who define the region. He understands the grind of coastal Georgia because he’s lived it.

Shawn Harris — GA‑14

In the northwest corner of the state, Harris speaks the language of working‑class voters who feel forgotten by both parties. He knows the culture, the struggles, and the pride of rural Georgia.

Justin Lucas — GA‑8

Lucas comes from the same world as the plant workers, farmers, and tradesmen who dominate the 8th District. His story mirrors theirs, and that matters.

Jason Moon — Labor Commissioner

Moon is the kind of candidate who doesn’t need a briefing book to understand labor issues. He’s lived the blue‑collar life, and voters can tell. Some believe he could be the first statewide Democrat in years to break through the rural firewall because he speaks directly to the people who punch a clock.

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Why This Matters for Georgia’s Future

Georgia’s political destiny won’t be shaped by pundits or party insiders. It’ll be shaped by the people who:

- clock in early  

- clock out late  

- raise families on tight margins  

- keep the lights on, the roads paved, the goods moving, and the state functioning  

These voters don’t want culture‑war theatrics.  

They want respect, stability, and opportunity.

And this slate of candidates...Thurmond, McCord, Harris, Lucas, and Moon comes from the kind of backgrounds that make blue‑collar voters lean in instead of tuning out.

Not because of party.  

Not because of ideology.  

But because they see themselves reflected for once.

Blue‑collar voters aren’t disappearing. They’re not unreachable. They’re not apathetic. They’re just waiting for someone who talks to them like adults, respects their work, and understands their world.

This year, some Georgians believe they finally have a group of candidates who can do exactly that.

If Georgia is going to move forward, it’ll be because the people who built this state.and keep it running every day finally get a seat at the table again.

McLaurin’s Name Rings in North Fulton, But the Black Belt like Twiggs County Ain’t Echoing Yet

Every Sunday morning, before the coffee cools and the choir warms up, I like to take a look at the political landscape and ask the question folks whisper but rarely say out loud. Today’s question is simple:

Josh McLaurin may be the favorite in the suburbs  but can he win the Black Belt?

Now before anybody starts shouting, let’s lay out the facts like hymnals on a pew.

McLaurin has built his name in the northern metro suburbs — places where cul‑de‑sacs outnumber cotton fields and the biggest political battleground is often a school board meeting. That’s his home turf. That’s where folks know him.

But the Black Belt?  

That’s a whole different sanctuary.

Down there, politics doesn’t move on Twitter threads or suburban mailers. It moves through:

- church mothers and deacons  

- county commissioners who’ve been in office since the Clinton years  

- educators, pastors, and community anchors  

- people who know your people  

The Black Belt runs on relationships, not recognition.

And here’s the Sunday truth:  

There’s no public reporting yet showing McLaurin with deep validator networks or long‑standing ties in those counties. That doesn’t mean he can’t build them — only that the groundwork hasn’t been documented.

The issues that matter in the Black Belt aren’t always the ones that dominate suburban politics. Folks down there want to hear about:

- rural hospitals  

- jobs that don’t require leaving home  

- schools that stay open  

- roads that don’t crumble  

- economic stability  

It’s a different rhythm, a different choir, a different call‑and‑response.

And let’s be clear:  

The Black Belt is not a monolith.  

Southwest Georgia votes one way, Middle Georgia listens for another message, and East Georgia has its own priorities. A statewide candidate has to speak all those dialects — politically and culturally.

So can McLaurin win the Black Belt?  

That’s not a prediction for me to make.  

But here’s the hallelujah truth:

Suburban strength is one thing.  

Black Belt strength is another.  

And the bridge between them is built, not assumed.

As the race unfolds, we’ll see who puts in the miles, who earns the validators, and who shows up where it counts.

Until then, let the church say amen 

The Labor Race’s Quietest Threat

Every statewide cycle in Georgia produces at least one candidate who doesn’t fit neatly into the usual boxes, someone who isn’t the loudest, isn’t the flashiest, but has a way of moving through rooms and connecting with people that the political class tends to underestimate. In this year’s Democratic primary for Labor Commissioner, that person is Jason Moon.

Moon enters the race with a resume that stands out on paper and carries weight in conversation. As a U.S. Small Business Administrator, he’s spent years working at the intersection of workforce development, entrepreneurship, and economic mobility. And as a cousin of the late U.S. Senator Max Cleland, he carries a family legacy that still resonates deeply with many Georgia Democrats  especially older voters who remember Cleland’s service, sacrifice, and moral clarity.

But pedigree alone isn’t what makes Moon a wildcard.  

It’s his range.

A Candidate Who Moves Comfortably Between Worlds

Most candidates can speak fluently to one audience. A few can manage two. Moon is one of the rare ones who can walk into almost any setting and sound like he belongs there.

He can talk to factory‑floor workers without sounding like he memorized a script. He can sit across from corporate executives and hold his own on workforce pipelines, regulatory issues, and job‑creation strategies. He can speak directly to male voters who are looking for stable work that pays a real wage, not promises, not slogans, but actual pathways to employment.

And he can connect with single mothers who are trying to find a job that pays enough to keep the lights on, cover childcare, and still leave room to breathe. That’s not a demographic every candidate knows how to speak to, but Moon has shown an ability to meet people where they are and talk about work in a way that feels real.

A Rural Connection That Matters

In rural Georgia, the Department of Labor isn’t an abstract agency, it’s a lifeline. It touches agriculture, food processing, logistics, manufacturing, and the seasonal labor cycles that keep entire counties afloat. Many candidates talk about rural Georgia; fewer understand how labor policy actually lands on the ground.

Moon has the ability to explain that connection clearly. He can talk about agricultural jobs, workforce shortages, training programs, and the role the Department of Labor plays in stabilizing rural economies. That matters in places where voters aren’t looking for ideological purity, they’re looking for someone who understands the work they do and the challenges they face.

A Field of Five, But One Question Looms

The Democratic field for Labor Commissioner is made up of five good people, each bringing something different to the table. But like every statewide race, the conversation eventually comes back to the same question:

Who is most likely to match up well in a general election?

That’s where Moon becomes the wildcard. Not because he’s the loudest or the most polished, but because he has a rare ability to speak across lines class lines, geographic lines, gender lines, and political lines. In a state as diverse and competitive as Georgia, that kind of range is not something you can manufacture.

From my perspective, that’s what makes Jason Moon a serious contender in this race. Not inevitability. Not hype. Just the simple fact that he can walk into almost any room in this state and talk to people in a way that feels grounded, respectful, and real.

And in a Labor Commissioner race, a job that touches every worker, every employer, and every corner of Georgia that kind of connection matters.

No Thurmond, No Shot: The Brutal Math Ossoff Can’t Escape

Every election cycle has its quiet truths... the things insiders understand long before the public catches on. One of those truths in Georgia politics right now is this: Jon Ossoff’s path to a strong 2028 conversation runs straight through the 2026 Governor’s race. And if Democrats want to give Ossoff the kind of statewide environment that strengthens his standing, they need a gubernatorial nominee who expands the map, not shrinks it.

That’s where Michael Thurmond comes in.

Thurmond isn’t just another name on the ballot. He represents something Democrats haven’t had in a long time: a candidate with crossover appeal, deep coalition‑building experience, and a resume that’s been tested in the fire for more than four decades. In a state where margins are razor‑thin and every constituency matters, that combination is rare.

Crossover Appeal That Changes the Math

Georgia Democrats don’t win statewide by running up the score in Atlanta alone. They win by holding Metro Atlanta, performing well in the suburbs, and staying competitive in rural and small‑town counties. Thurmond has spent his entire career building credibility across those lines, Black voters, white moderates, rural communities, older Democrats, and even some Republicans who value steady leadership.

That kind of reach doesn’t just help him. It helps the entire ticket, including Ossoff.

A gubernatorial nominee who can pull votes from multiple corners of the state gives Ossoff a stronger political climate to run in...one where Democrats aren’t fighting uphill in every region.

Coalition Building That Strengthens the Whole Ticket

Thurmond’s political life has been defined by coalition work. From the legislature to statewide office to county leadership, he’s built relationships across ideological, racial, and geographic divides. That matters in a general election, but it matters even more for a Senate candidate who needs a broad, durable coalition to win by the kind of margin that sparks national attention.

A Governor’s race led by a coalition‑builder helps Ossoff by:

- stabilizing turnout across multiple regions  

- reducing drop‑off among older and rural Democrats  

- improving the environment for down‑ballot candidates  

- creating a unified message around competence and experience  

That’s the kind of statewide alignment that strengthens a Senate incumbent heading into a high‑stakes cycle.

Battle‑Tested Leadership in a High‑Pressure State

Georgia is not a state where untested candidates get the benefit of the doubt. Every statewide Democrat since 2018 has learned that the hard way. Thurmond, however, has been through tough races, tough moments, and tough governing decisions. He’s been vetted, challenged, and pressure‑tested over decades.

That matters for Ossoff because a gubernatorial nominee who has already survived the fire is less likely to create unnecessary turbulence at the top of the ticket. Stability at the top means stability for the Senate race.

If Democrats want to strengthen Jon Ossoff’s position heading into 2028 and give themselves the best shot at winning the Governor’s Mansion, they need a nominee who expands the map, builds coalitions, and brings experience that reassures voters across the political spectrum.

Michael Thurmond fits that mold.

In a state where every vote counts and every constituency matters, Democrats can’t afford to overlook the candidate who brings the broadest appeal and the deepest well of trust. The stronger the gubernatorial nominee, the stronger the environment for Ossoff and the stronger the Democratic ticket as a whole. 

Georgia Democrats Are at a Crossroads. And This Time, They Can’t Afford to Miss the Turn

Let me tell y’all something straight, the way folks talk on front porches from Bainbridge to Baxley: this year’s midterms might be the most crucial election Georgia Democrats have ever walked into. And that ain’t exaggeration, that’s just calling it like it is.

Jason Moon and Stacey Abrams.
Moon is running for Labor Commissioner. 

For all the talk about who the party uplifts, who it listens to, and who it forgets, one thing’s becoming clear to a whole lot of folks: everybody’s gotta be in the conversation this time. Black women, Black men, white men, young folks, old folks, all of ’em. Georgia’s too big, too complicated, and too politically split for anybody to get left out or taken for granted.

Anton Williams 
Candidate 
GA State School Superintendent 

Some folks say the party’s spent too many years chasing vibes instead of victories. And the truth is, Georgia might be changing, but it ain’t turned into New York or California overnight. It’s still a Southern, agricultural state, where metro Atlanta can’t carry the whole load by itself. You can’t win statewide by talking to six cities and hoping the rest of the map magically fills itself in.

This year, the word folks keep throwing around is electability, not who makes people feel warm and fuzzy, not who checks the most boxes, but who can walk into rural Georgia, shake hands, look folks in the eye, and not get laughed out the room. Because like it or not, Democrats can’t win without cutting into those rural margins that’ve been deep‑red since 2016.

And here’s the thing:  

There is an opening.  

Folks out in the country are frustrated with prices, with healthcare, with Washington fussing all day and fixing nothing. Some of them are tired of the noise, tired of the drama, tired of being talked at instead of talked to.

But an opening don’t mean a thing if you don’t step through it.

Let me tell y’all something straight, the way folks talk on front porches from Bainbridge to Baxley: this year’s midterms might be the most crucial election Georgia Democrats have ever walked into. And that ain’t exaggeration — that’s just calling it like it is.

For all the talk about who the party uplifts, who it listens to, and who it forgets, one thing’s becoming clear to a whole lot of folks: everybody’s gotta be in the conversation this time. Black women, Black men, white men, young folks, old folks — all of ’em. Georgia’s too big, too complicated, and too politically split for anybody to get left out or taken for granted.

Some folks say the party’s spent too many years chasing vibes instead of victories. And the truth is, Georgia might be changing, but it ain’t turned into New York or California overnight. It’s still a Southern, agricultural state, where metro Atlanta can’t carry the whole load by itself. You can’t win statewide by talking to six cities and hoping the rest of the map magically fills itself in.

This year, the word folks keep throwing around is electability — not who makes people feel warm and fuzzy, not who checks the most boxes, but who can walk into rural Georgia, shake hands, look folks in the eye, and not get laughed out the room. Because like it or not, Democrats can’t win without cutting into those rural margins that’ve been deep‑red since 2016.

And here’s the thing:  

There is an opening.  

Folks out in the country are frustrated — with prices, with healthcare, with Washington fussing all day and fixing nothing. Some of them are tired of the noise, tired of the drama, tired of being talked at instead of talked to.

But an opening don’t mean a thing if you don’t step through it.

So the big question hanging over this whole election is simple, and folks are whispering it from the coast to the mountains:

Will Georgia Democrats take advantage of the moment… or will they mess around and fumble it again?

Peanut Politics will be watching every step of the way because this year, the stakes ain’t just high. They’re historic. the big question hanging over this whole election is simple, and folks are whispering it from the coast to the mountains:

Michael Thurmond and the Case for Competence Over Charisma

In an era when political success is too often measured by who can generate the most viral clip or command the loudest applause, Michael Thurmond stands as a quiet rebuke to the spectacle. He is the rare figure in Georgia politics whose credibility comes not from theatrics but from decades of steady, unglamorous public service. And that, ironically, is why he’s both underestimated by some Democrats and quietly respected by many Republicans.

Thurmond is the kind of Democrat Republicans could tolerate in the Governor’s Mansion, not because he shares their ideology, but because he has earned a reputation for competence, pragmatism, and seriousness. He doesn’t posture. He doesn’t chase national attention. He doesn’t treat governing as a performance. In a polarized state, that alone sets him apart.

Yet within the Democratic party, Thurmond doesn’t always inspire the kind of emotional rush that modern campaigns seem to demand. He’s not a celebrity candidate. He’s not a social‑media phenomenon. He doesn’t fit the “vibes‑first” energy that excites certain corners of the Democratic base. But the fixation on charisma over capability has always been a political mirage, and Georgia’s recent elections have shown just how fragile that approach can be.

The truth is simple: vibes don’t win elections. Hard work, fortitude, and trust do.

And Thurmond has built a career on exactly those qualities.

He is one of the few Democrats who can move comfortably between constituencies that rarely overlap, rural Black voters, suburban moderates, business leaders, and longtime state employees who have watched him navigate government from the inside. He speaks the language of economic mobility and educational opportunity, not national culture wars. He understands the machinery of state government because he has spent years operating it, not critiquing it from afar.

That kind of credibility doesn’t trend on social media, but it does win over voters who want a governor, not a performer.

Georgia Democrats face a strategic crossroads. They can continue chasing candidates who generate excitement but struggle to expand the map, or they can look toward leaders who have built trust the slow, old‑fashioned way  by showing up, doing the work, and delivering results. Thurmond belongs firmly in the latter category.

He may not be the flashiest candidate
in the field, but he represents something increasingly rare in politics: a candidate defined by substance rather than spectacle. And in a state as divided and dynamic as Georgia, that might be exactly what leadership requires.

Hot Take: Why Some Democrats Think Keisha Lance Bottoms Could Drag the Ticket — And Whether She’ll Show Up in Tough Terrain

Inside Georgia Democratic circles, Keisha Lance Bottoms sparks a very specific debate. Some folks see potential. Others see warning signs. And the loudest concerns usually fall into two buckets: her baggage and her willingness to campaign outside the Atlanta bubble.

Why Some Democrats Think She Could Be a Drag

A few themes come up again and again:

1. The “Atlanta Problem”

Bottoms is deeply tied to Atlanta politics, and that doesn’t always play well in:

• Rural Black Belt counties
• Conservative rural white areas
• Coastal communities that feel ignored by Atlanta

Some Democrats fear she’d get boxed in as “Atlanta‑centric” before she even gets started.

2. Her Mayoral Record Is a Double‑Edged Sword

Her time as mayor came with:

• Public safety struggles
• Tension with the police department
• National scrutiny during protests

Democrats worry Republicans would weaponize that nonstop.

3. Limited Rural Footprint

Unlike Abrams, Bottoms hasn’t spent years building relationships in:

• Southwest Georgia
• Middle Georgia
• The rural east
• Coastal counties

Some Democrats think that’s a major vulnerability.

4. The Biden Administration Tie‑In

Her White House role gives her national visibility but also national baggage.
Some Democrats fear she’d be painted as “too Washington” in a state where crossover voters definitely matter.

Is She Willing to Campaign in Tough Terrain?

This is the million‑dollar question.

Some Democrats aren’t convinced

They worry she’d lean heavily on:

• Atlanta
• The inner suburbs
• High‑growth metro counties

That’s a viable strategy, but it leaves rural organizers feeling abandoned.

Others think she could do it, if she chooses to

Bottoms is charismatic and comfortable in church‑based spaces.
If she committed to the grind....Albany, Waycross, Dublin, Brunswick, Bainbridge, she might surprise people.

But commitment is the key word.

Bottom Line

The internal Democratic debate boils down to this:

Is Keisha Lance Bottoms a statewide candidate who expands the map or one who shrinks it to metro Atlanta and hopes turnout saves the day?

That’s why her name triggers so much chatter.
And that’s why this hypothetical isn’t going away anytime soon.

Brown, Dollison and the 2022 Georgia Agriculture Commissioner race

Gary Black, Georgia's current Agriculture Commissioner announced this week that he will enter the U.S. Senate race for a chance to take on incumbent Senator Raphael Warnock in 2022. Black was elected State Agriculture Commissioner in 2010 after longtime Agriculture Commissioner, (the late) Tommy Irvin retired after serving 41 years at the helm.

With Black now seeking higher office, the question now is who will run for the post. The rce for State Agriculture is typically a lower profile race but not anymore. There's a bevy of potential candidates on the Republican side who could run from State Senator Tyler Harper to State Representative Robert Dickey, but what about the Democratic side?

LeMario Brown, 34 who's currently serving as City Councilman for the city of Fort Valley is a Pecan Farmer out of Peach County. He's a graduate of Fort Valley State University, later studied at Columbia Southern University interned at the U.S. Department of Agriculture. Brown. Brown has the ability to appeal to younger voters and also stem the loss of youth in the agriculture industry. 

Ricky Dollison Sr. a 1978 graduate of Worth County High School is a 4th Generation Farmer and owner and operator of Warrior Creek Premium Meats. The Tifton resident farm over in nearby Worth County and also the former High School Football All American was featured in one of Sen. Warnock's digital ads during the 2020 campaign season. He created Ag First Community Cooperative.

Given how hard its been for Democrats to find a strong candidate with a strong Agricultuel background, either of these two upstanding gentlemen would move Georgia Ag industry into a new era and would be a strong advocates for small family farms.

All Points Bulletin To Georgia Dems: Stop Avoiding......or Running Away From The Rural Georgia Voter!!!!!!!!!!

Democrats for some reason are afraid of the Rural Georgia Voter. For some mathematically challenged reason, they don't think they can beat the republicans on this isolated, sparsely populated terrain and that is sad from my vantage point. Congressman John Barrow although he is a congressman have no problem with going out and appealing to rural voters in his conservative-tilting district and he enjoys doing it. If Statewide Democrats and democrats in general have the kind of passion and drive Congressman Barrow, who is a independent, conservative democrat in the mold of the late Congressman Bo Ginn (D-Millen) who held that district during the late 1970s-early 80s have, the party would be in much better shape down here

As we approach 2014, I will be watching very closely to see whether or not statewide candidates will put forth a effort and build grassroots support from the Swamps of Ware County to the Cotton fields of Dooly County to the Mountains of Rabun County.

All statewide democrats have to do is just go talk to people. But don't do it in a condescending, "We're going to teach you people how to vote" kind of thing. Go sit at Priscilla's Restaurant in Eastman, Ga or Sister's Country Kitchen in Hazelhurst, Ga and listen to the concerns of citizens who feel slighted by what they see as no progress in terms of job creation, the regression of the local school systems, etc. Establish a presence in Rural Areas such as these. Be a source of information and support. Most Rural Georgians are long-time residents and that means for generations. If Democrats.....Georgia Democrats are seen as just regular people and not the three-headed monster Faux Nooz and the Republican Party (who have had a control of rural Georgia for over a decade now) you'll go a long way toward earning back their trust and ultimately their ear.

One candidate, Gerald Beckum, candidate for the U.S. Senate will have no problem, being a rural conservative democratic mayor of a small town. As for the others and other potential candidates, that remains to be seen.

And for goodness sakes, lose the terminology like "Hicks", "Hillbillies" in describing rural residents in this state. Believe it or not, for the most part, these are good people who would do anything in the world for a person in need. It's important to remember that if the Georgia Democratic Party is grow their numbers, they need to stop avoiding Rural Georgians. If a Jason Carter, or Branko Radulovacki, or Michelle Nunn or whoever can cast him/herself as the candidate for rural voters, someone who understands the plight and values of the rural, bluecollar family, family farmers and attract culturally conservative voters in South Georgia. 

Rural Georgia is pivotal for the resurgence for Georgia Democrats next year going forward. But they must have the right candidate, one who can break through the rural way of life and the culture brickwall, which no democrat, at least so far haven't shown a willingness to do.

It's not complicated: All they have to do is show up!

These visits are important because they have a multiplier effect: Each meeting will lead to a conversation at the barber shop, grocery store or at church about how that democrat came to town. Don't underestimate the power of the grapevine in Rural Georgia!

By democrats staying away from Rural Georgia since 2002, they allowed Republicans to define and caricature them, especially on social issues such as religion and guns. If democrats don't show up, people will only hear what republicans say about them. When Roy Barnes made that ill fated decision to not put much effort into Rural Georgia in 2002, the republicans defined him in unsavory terms and the famous "King Roy" and "Boot Barnes" slogans were all over the place (from his decision to change the confederate flag, among other issues that lead to his defeat). Because of Barnes lack of presence in rural Georgia, he couldn't refute it.

But democrats from here on out, even those who will run for the State legislature need to forcefully explain their convictions, even if they're out of step with Rural Georgia. Rural Georgians can live with candidates with whom they disagree on some issues. But nowadays people are reticent about saying they're a democrat and the reason is because many feel that democrats of today do not share their values and interests. 

Winning with only the bread and butter issues is not enough to appeal to the rural voter. Many here are homeowners and entrepreneurs and and like low taxes and less regulations among other things so that's one of the reasons they vote republican.