The Party That Preaches Inclusion… Until a White Moderate Walks In

Georgia Democrats keep preaching ‘big tent’ while shrinking the damn doorway.

It’s a quiet Sunday morning here in Georgia, coffee rainy and politics humming just beneath the surface like it always does in this state. And as I sit here thinking about where this party is headed, one question keeps circling back like a stubborn June bug:

What happened to the white male moderate in the Democratic Party?

Not the old Dixiecrat.  

Not the segregationist relic.  

I’m talking about the modern white moderate Democrat, the working‑class welder, the small‑town teacher, the union man, the courthouse‑square Democrat who used to be the backbone of this party from Rabun Gap to Bainbridge.

Today, that man is treated like the red‑headed stepchild of Georgia Democratic politics. And that’s not just strange, it’s strategically reckless.

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A Party That Shifted While Nobody Was Watching

Let’s start with the truth:

The Democratic Party in Georgia is now dominated numerically, culturally, and politically  by Black voters.

Black voters are the most loyal, most consistent, most dependable base the party has.  

Black women, especially, are the engine that keeps the whole operation running.

And in the Legislature, over 90% of Democratic members are Black, representing urban and suburban districts. That’s where the votes are. That’s where the donors are. That’s where the party’s identity now lives.

But here’s the part folks don’t want to say out loud:

The party’s culture changed faster than its strategy.

And the white moderate once a central piece of the Old Tom Murphy coalition now feels like a guest in a house he helped build.

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The Red‑Headed Stepchild Effect

So when a moderate or conservative white Democrat steps up to run someone like David Dillie or Joe Powers the reaction inside the party apparatus is… muted.

Not hostile.  

Not hateful.  

Just indifferent.

And indifference is a slow death in politics.

These candidates get:

- half‑hearted support  

- lukewarm enthusiasm  

- quiet skepticism  

- and a whole lot of “we’ll see”  

Meanwhile, Republicans are running up 20‑ and 30‑point margins in rural districts that Democrats could be competitive in with the right candidate.

But the right candidate doesn’t fit the party’s current cultural mold so he gets ignored.

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The Math the Party Keeps Forgetting

Here’s the cold arithmetic of Georgia politics:

- Democrats are 11 seats away from a House majority.  

- Those 11 seats are not in Atlanta, DeKalb, or Gwinnett.  

- They’re in places like:  

  - Houston  

  - Lowndes  

  - Troup  

  - Paulding  

  - Bulloch  

  - Columbia  

  - McIntosh

And the candidates who can win there don’t sound like the candidates who win in metro Atlanta.

A welder like David Dillie of Effingham County can walk into a rural diner and talk jobs, schools, and stability in a way that lands.  

A community‑rooted moderate like Joe Powers of Dublin can talk to independents and soft Republicans without triggering partisan reflexes.

These are the candidates who shrink GOP margins.  

These are the candidates who flip the 2–4% that decide statewide races.  

These are the candidates who make a House majority possible.

And yet, they’re treated like afterthoughts.

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The Cultural Drift

The Democratic Party didn’t lose white moderates because they all turned conservative.  

It lost them because the party’s messaging, priorities, and internal culture shifted toward:

- urban issues  

- nationalized narratives  

- identity‑driven politics  

- progressive litmus tests  

Again — not wrong.  

Not immoral.  

Just incomplete.

The party built a new identity but never built a bridge back to the voters who don’t live inside that identity.

So when a white male moderate steps up to run, the party reacts like:

“Where did he come from”  

instead of  

“Thank God he showed up, we need him in that district.”

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If Democrats Want Power, They Need a Big Tent Again

This isn’t about nostalgia.  

It’s about strategy.

You don’t win a majority by doubling down on the districts you already have.  

You win it by expanding into the districts you’ve been losing for 20 years.

And the candidates who can win those districts don’t fit the party’s current cultural mold, but they fit the state’s political reality.

Black voters are the backbone.  

White moderates are the bridge.  

You cannot win Georgia without both.

The party doesn’t need to choose between them.  

It needs to stop acting like it has to.

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Sunday Morning Final Word

If Democrats want to get within striking distance of a House majority, just 11 seats away, they must stop treating white male moderates like political stepchildren.

Candidates like David Dillie and Joe Powers aren’t the problem.  

They’re part of the solution the party keeps ignoring.

And until Democrats embrace the full geography of Georgia not just the metro core they’ll keep leaving winnable seats on the table.

The Supreme Court Shook the South. Michael Thurmond Is the Steady Hand Georgia Needs.

Every now and then, Georgia hits a crossroads big enough that you can feel it in your bones. Yesterday’s Supreme Court decision was one of those moments. It didn’t just shake Louisiana. It sent a tremor straight through every state that’s been relying on the Voting Rights Act to keep representation fair, stable, and intact. And if you think Georgia is somehow insulated from that, you haven’t been paying attention.

We’re staring down a political landscape where long‑protected districts could be rewritten, rural communities could lose what little voice they have left, and the gap between metro Georgia and the rest of the state keeps stretching wider. This isn’t a season for guesswork or slogans. This is a season for competence.

And that’s why so many people are looking at Michael Thurmond.

Not because of party labels.  

Not because of national noise.  

Not because of who he’s against.  

But because of what he’s actually done and what he knows how to do.

Georgia doesn’t need another candidate running on vibes and cable‑news talking points. Georgia needs a steady hand at the wheel, someone who understands state government from the inside out, someone who can walk into a crisis and not have to ask where the light switches are.

This election has to be about more than being anti‑Trump. That’s not a governing philosophy. That’s not a plan for rural hospitals, or struggling school districts, or farmers who’ve been hanging on by their fingernails. It doesn’t fix a single thing for the blue‑collar families who’ve been carrying this state on their backs.

The real question  the only question that matters — is this:

Who has the ideas, the experience, and the credibility to fix what’s breaking Georgia?

Look at the list:

- Agriculture — the backbone of our state economy  

- Education — especially in the counties that get ignored until election season  

- Healthcare — where closures have become a grim routine  

- Working‑class families — the folks who don’t get press conferences, but keep the lights on  

When you run down that list, one name keeps coming up in conversations across the state: Michael Thurmond.

He’s trusted.  

He’s respected.  

He’s got no scandals, no skeletons, no drama.  

Just a record of service and a reputation for competence.

In a moment this volatil... legally, politically, and culturally, Georgia doesn’t need a showhorse. Georgia needs a workhorse who knows how to build consensus, calm the waters, and get things done.

Some people say every election is the most important one of our lifetime. Maybe so. But this one feels different. This one feels like a hinge — the kind history swings on.

And if Georgia wants stability, solutions, and a leader who understands the stakes, a lot of folks believe Michael Thurmond fits the moment.

This is his time.

The Men in Steel‑Toes and Calloused Hands — Tired of Being Treated Like Background Noise

Every election cycle, consultants and candidates trot out the same buzzwords: “middle class,” “working families,” “jobs of tomorrow.” But if you’ve spent any time in real Georgia, not the Atlanta studios, not the D.C. think tanks, but the warehouses, the job sites, the break rooms, the logging yards, the ports, and the plant floors you know exactly who gets left out of the conversation.

Blue‑collar voters.  

Not the caricatures. Not the stereotypes.  

The real ones.

The young HVAC apprentice in Pooler.  

The Black warehouse supervisor in Cordele.  

The Latino welder in Gainesville.  

The CNA in Bainbridge  

The trucker in Greensboro  

The correctional officer in Telfair County.  

The line cook in Valdosta.  

The forklift operator in Fort Valley  

These are the people who keep Georgia running, and yet they’re the ones politics forgets first.

But this year feels different. Not because of slogans or speeches, but because a slate of Democratic candidates Michael Thurmond for Governor, Michael McCord in GA‑01, Shawn Harris in GA‑14, Justin Lucas in GA‑12, and Jason Moon for Labor Commissioner come from the kind of lived experience that blue‑collar voters recognize instantly.

They don’t have to pretend to understand working‑class life.  

They’ve lived it.

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The Blue‑Collar Voters Nobody Talks To

1. Young Tradesmen and Working‑Class Millennials

These are the folks who skipped the college‑debt treadmill and went straight into the trades. They’re up before dawn, home after dark, and invisible to most campaigns.

2. Non‑White Working‑Class Voters

Black, Latino, Asian, and immigrant workers who get treated like base voters instead of real people with real economic frustrations.

3. Rural and Exurban Laborers

Mechanics, correctional officers, plant workers, truckers, warehouse crews folks who feel ignored by Democrats and taken for granted by Republicans.

4. “Invisible Industry” Workers

Home health aides, CNAs, janitors, line cooks, hospitality workers, gig drivers. Essential workers who rarely hear their names spoken from a podium.

5. Former Union and De‑Industrialized Workers

People who watched factories close, jobs disappear, and promises evaporate.

These voters aren’t unreachable. They’re just tired of being ignored.

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Why This Slate of Candidates Connects With Them

Let’s be clear: this isn’t about comparing candidates. It’s about explaining why some voters believe this group of Democrats speaks naturally to the people politics usually overlooks.

Michael Thurmond — Governor

Thurmond’s life story is working‑class Georgia. He talks about work like someone who’s done it, not studied it. He’s spent decades building trust across rural, urban, and suburban communities. Some voters believe his candidacy could bring blue‑collar Georgians—especially rural and non‑white working‑class men—back into the picture.

Michael McCord — GA‑01

Down in the First District, McCord’s background resonates with the port workers, logistics crews, and military families who define the region. He understands the grind of coastal Georgia because he’s lived it.

Shawn Harris — GA‑14

In the northwest corner of the state, Harris speaks the language of working‑class voters who feel forgotten by both parties. He knows the culture, the struggles, and the pride of rural Georgia.

Justin Lucas — GA‑8

Lucas comes from the same world as the plant workers, farmers, and tradesmen who dominate the 8th District. His story mirrors theirs, and that matters.

Jason Moon — Labor Commissioner

Moon is the kind of candidate who doesn’t need a briefing book to understand labor issues. He’s lived the blue‑collar life, and voters can tell. Some believe he could be the first statewide Democrat in years to break through the rural firewall because he speaks directly to the people who punch a clock.

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Why This Matters for Georgia’s Future

Georgia’s political destiny won’t be shaped by pundits or party insiders. It’ll be shaped by the people who:

- clock in early  

- clock out late  

- raise families on tight margins  

- keep the lights on, the roads paved, the goods moving, and the state functioning  

These voters don’t want culture‑war theatrics.  

They want respect, stability, and opportunity.

And this slate of candidates...Thurmond, McCord, Harris, Lucas, and Moon comes from the kind of backgrounds that make blue‑collar voters lean in instead of tuning out.

Not because of party.  

Not because of ideology.  

But because they see themselves reflected for once.

Blue‑collar voters aren’t disappearing. They’re not unreachable. They’re not apathetic. They’re just waiting for someone who talks to them like adults, respects their work, and understands their world.

This year, some Georgians believe they finally have a group of candidates who can do exactly that.

If Georgia is going to move forward, it’ll be because the people who built this state.and keep it running every day finally get a seat at the table again.

The Timber’s Gone, the Paychecks Are Thin, and Rural Georgia Is Holding On

Folks who grew up around Georgia’s woods and fields know the truth: the timber industry still hasn’t gotten back on its feet since Hurricane Helene tore through this state. Entire stands that took generations to grow were snapped like matchsticks. And just when growers were trying to regroup, another blow landed, the closure of International Paper mills along the coast, including the one I worked in.

For a lot of families, that wasn’t just a job loss. It was the end of a way of life.

And the hits didn’t stop there.

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A $75 Billion Giant Under Strain

Agriculture is Georgia’s backbone, a $75 billion sector that touches everything from:

- Poultry  

- Peaches  

- Peanuts  

- Timber  

- The Georgia Ports  

- Inland ports  

- Food processing  

- Agribusiness up and down the line  

But the last several years have been rough. Many producers, especially small, Black, and first‑generation farmers say they’ve been squeezed by federal decisions, trade disruptions, and market instability. When you stack that on top of storm damage and mill closures, you get an industry that’s still standing but carrying a heavy load.

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A Republican‑Leaning Industry Facing Hard Realities

Roughly three‑quarters of Georgia’s agricultural community traditionally votes Republican. That’s been the pattern for decades. But this year feels different not because of party labels, but because the problems hitting farmers are local, immediate, and personal:

- Timber growers with nowhere to send their wood  

- Row‑crop farmers battling input costs  

- Black and first‑generation farmers fighting for access and fairness  

- Rural counties losing jobs tied to forestry and paper  

- Ports and logistics networks adjusting to global uncertainty  

When the ground shifts under your boots, you start looking for leaders who understand the dirt you’re standing on.

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A New Kind of Voice Rising From South Georgia

That’s why some folks are paying attention to younger growers and first‑generation farmers stepping into the conversation. People who actually farm. People who know the price of seed, the cost of diesel, and the heartbreak of watching a storm undo years of work.

One of those voices is South Georgia farmer Sedrick Rowe  a first‑generation grower, a young Black farmer, and someone who understands the stakes from the ground up. His story resonates with producers who feel overlooked, unheard, or left behind by decisions made far from the fields they work.

In a year when the timber industry is still hurting, when mills have closed, when storms have reshaped entire counties, and when farmers feel like they’re carrying the load alone, rural Georgia may be more open than usual to someone who speaks their language.

The Bottom Line here is that Georgia agriculture is at a crossroads.  

The timber hasn’t fully recovered.  

The mills are gone.  

The storms keep coming.  

And the people who feed, build, and supply this state are looking for answers.

This year’s election won’t just be about politics.  

It’ll be about survival, stability, and who understands the weight rural Georgia is carrying. 

Rural Georgia Knows the Difference Between Calluses and Cosplay

There’s something I’ve never been able to wrap my head around.

I spend a lot of time talking with folks across rural South Georgia people who work 50, 60 hours a week, who stretch a paycheck as far as it’ll go, who know the price of groceries down to the penny. These are the people who keep this state running. They don’t have safety nets. They don’t have trust funds. They’ve got grit, calluses, and responsibilities.

And I can’t imagine one of them waking up and saying:

“You know who really understands what I’m going through? A billionaire from New York who grew up wealthy, never worked a blue‑collar job, flies around on a private jet, lives at a country club, and built a brand on gold‑plated everything.”

That’s not a judgment, it’s just reality.  

Working‑class Georgians know what their lives look like, and they know what they don’t.

Because the truth is simple:  

People who’ve never lived your life can’t pretend to understand it.But you know who does understand blue‑collar Georgians?

Leaders who’ve lived it.  

Leaders who’ve worked real jobs.  

Leaders who’ve had to fight for every rung on the ladder.

And right now, Georgia has a slate of candidates who come from the same soil as the people they’re asking to represent:

Michael Thurmond — Governor Candidate

A man who’s spent his entire career fighting for working families, public schools, and communities that get overlooked. He knows what it means to serve because he’s been doing it for decades.

Sedrick Rowe — Agriculture Commissioner Candidate

A farmer who actually knows what it means to work the land, not just pose for a photo‑op in a field. He understands the stakes for rural Georgia because he lives them.

Jason Moon — Labor Commissioner Candidate

A candidate who knows what it means to work for a living, not just talk about it. Someone who understands the dignity of labor and the responsibility of protecting workers.

Michael McCord — Georgia’s 1st Congressional District Candidate

A blue‑collar Democrat who speaks the language of the people he’s running to represent. Not polished. Not rehearsed. Just real.

These aren’t candidates built in a consultant’s office.  

They’re not chasing cable‑news soundbites.  

They’re not trying to be something they’re not.

They’re running because they know what it feels like to be left behind and they’re tired of watching rural Georgia get ignored.

And that’s the heart of it:

Working‑class Georgians don’t need a billionaire to “feel their pain.” They need leaders who’ve lived their struggle. That’s why these candidates resonate.  That’s why rural Democrats are re‑engaging. That’s why South Georgia is shifting in ways the political class still doesn’t understand.

Because when you’ve lived the life, you don’t have to pretend.  

And when you speak the truth, people hear it.

Georgia Agriculture Commissioner Debate- Chris Irvin (D) v Gary Black (R)General (2014)

What's Needed To Defeat A Entrenched Incumbent?

Courage, Committment, Determination, and Ego make first-time candidates or challengers to incumbents run. But what does it take to make them win? Candidates ranging from Jason Carter (Governor), Christopher Irvin (Agriculture Commissioner), Gerald Beckum (Secretary of State) to Brian Roslund, Harris County Democrat & Railroad executive taking on Incumbent (R) State Senator Josh McKoon to Joyce Denson of Toomsboro challenging Bubber Epps for HD 144 have stepped up to the plate to defeat entrenched incumbents. 

 

The challenges they faces are legion: Will major demographic changes in the state bode well for Carter, a Bluedog Georgia Democrat running in a Republican leaning state? Will Gerald Beckum's well-connected personal contacts across the state from his time of mayor of Oglethorpe bring the dollars so critical to his campaign? Will candidates such as Brian Roslund attract enough media attention? To whom can they turn for sound strategic advice and support? Balancing key issues in electoral politics with a fascinating David-and-Goliath storyline

How does anyone ever defeat a sitting incumbent? It's simple: Have a message that rings and resonates among open-like-minded voters. Because the rigid partisans, those types are unreachable.

The most likely conditions under which a incumbent is defeated would be where there is something extraordinary going on politically, such as the economy in dire condition, or voters who makeup the regular, working class, everyday Joes feel that their situation isn't getting any better.


In order for incumbents to lose elections, they must not only be perceived as having failed, but conditions ranging from economic to overall conditions throughout the state have to be going in a downward spiral or trending that way. Those discouraging conditions make a challenger's message resonate. If some of those conditions don't exist, the challenger might have a very bold, convincing message that ought to be appealing, but it will not be enough to persuade most voters to support the challenger. The main decision  that voters are making is not whether they want to endorse the challenger's vision and message, but whether they want to throw out the incumbent.

Part 3: Do Georgia Democrats have what it takes to Play Ball Again here in the Rural Red?

Regaining the Working-Class Vote

Why Georgia Democrats are losing the blue-collar support and how they can win it back.

The Democratic Party has had 3 months to digest the gut-wrenching statewide election in the state's history. Its like this: the party must win back middle-class, working whites to regain political control of the state from the Republican Party. It doesn't need anymore progressives, it needs no more liberals. It needs more Bluecollar, middle class, working class whites in order to be a player again in the near future.

There is a significant challenge for the Georgia Democratic Party. The party needs to “reframe” its message and become “better communicators,” but its principles will remain the same — protection of those less fortunate, protection of the rights of the middle class, ethics in government and “family values.” Yes "FAMILY VALUES", which isn't synonymous with the democrats nowadays.

The Georgia Republican Party's strong suit is “packaging and marketing,” while “substance” is the Democratic Party's strong suit. You can package something and make people believe it is the best thing that ever happened, but when they open the carton, they are going to be surprised. The party need to spend the bulk of its time and energy expended to attract white working-class families and regain their trust. No dems should not ignore the issues of minorities, which they need to remain viable, but that to win elections, they're going to have to reclaim white voters, particularly in central & southern Georgia, as well increase their margins up in the North Georgia Mountains.

The most powerful piece of the Democratic Party lies in 159 counties before, the most important piece appeared to lie in Atlanta with the leadership, I don't believe that. They need to going back to the grass roots philosophy that was the strength of the party during its hey day. Now I don't believe the party won't run away from President Barack Obama in 2012 and will work to get him as many votes as possible, but the reality is that Georgia is one of the “reddest” states in the country.

Democrats have been trying to woo blue-collar workers back into the fold ever since 2002 when they began to leave the Georgia Democratic Party in droves due to the unpopular decision by then Gov Barnes to remove the confederate flag among other things. I would read how former candidates like Jimmy Carter, Lester Maddox, Zell Miller mobilized white working-class “hard hats” during their runs for governor. But for modern day Georgia Democrats their attempts have been largely trumped by Republican strategists like Derrick Dickey, Nick Ayers, etc who understood better than their Democratic counterparts how to tap into working-class values—particularly distrust of government.

Part of the problem as I see it & I'm only 28 years old, is that many democrats on the left side of the political spectrum still view the white working class in terms of stereotypes left over from the ’60s, you know, the popular image of all workers as deeply reactionary "Archie Bunkers," of All in the Family, (which is one of my favorite shows) as I put it. In fact, workers today are neither as intolerant nor as angry as their classic profile would indicate. Still, there are certain perspectives that bind workers together and inform their political philosophy: work, community, and country.


Perhaps the central theme for a Democratic candidate for governor, senator, etc is figuring out how to attract some of the 30-40%% of blue collar workers who might vote for the republican candidate. Remember how Howard Dean got in trouble when he awkwardly addressed the issue when he referred to the need to attract guys with "Confederate flag bumper stickers." Dean used the wrong metaphor, but he was correct in identifying a key election challenge for the Democrats.

It's probably almost certain if the Democrats can make significant inroads in this split-down-the-middle white male blue-collar vote, the Democratic candidate would win the next election. How does a Democratic candidate stand up for universal rights , including for women and minorities and for a secular society, and still be able to access at least some percentage of that blue-collar, white male vote that's already leaning republican because of insecurities about those very issues?

Well ,I think that the Democrats can appeal to the blue-collar man or the (I won't call him a Nascar Dad), but the blue-collar voter, male voter by saying: You've been exposed to a giant hoax, and here's what the hoax is. It is offering you a make-believe candied apple with one hand and picking your pocket with the other hand. And take your own feelings back. They're yours. And put them behind a vote for someone who's going to really solve your problems. Set about seriously setting up a domestic agenda that makes a difference to you. Now that is something I would say.

And you wonder how Republicans have dominated statewide contests for almost a decade. Contests in recent years whether its for State Rep or Secretary of State is that probably one-quarter of all working-class white males voters have left the Georgia Democratic Party in the last decade, and who knows how many middle-class white male voters left during the same period. White voters often feel crowded out of the Party because of the Democrats’ emphasis on affirmative action & issues facing minorities.

With the right candidates, though, Democrats can demonstrated that they can attract this disgruntled, yet still powerful, constituency. Working class whites, are the Democratic swing vote. They are the Democrats’ equivalent of outer suburbanites for the Republican party (who were the reason so many Republicans were terrified of a Oxendine candidacy). A candidate who is being rejected in a primary 3-1 by a swing segment of the primary electorate may well have real problems in the general election holding on to them.

So in 2012 & 2014 & beyond, democrats here in Georgia have to find candidates who can appeal to this powerful voting bloc. Carol Porter, DuBose Porter, JB Powell, Carl Camon are just a few can talk the talk & walk the walk when it comes to appealing to Bluecollar voters.

Interlude: Do Georgia Democrats have what it takes to Play Ball Again here in the Rural Red?

The fact is this: BLUECOLLAR, WHITE WORKING CLASS VOTERS is the key for the Democratic Party here in Georgia.

And to get a chunk of those voters, democrats have got to find candidates can that talk that can relate to them, someone who talk the working man's rep.

We should think about this. The blue-collar vote is huge. Skilled and semi-skilled manual jobs are on the decline, of course, but if we count as blue-collar those workers without a college degree then blue-collar voters represent the majority of voters in this state. They are the real swing vote in Georgia. "Their loyalties tend to shift from election to election and in so doing determine the winners in any political race, but here in Georgia, that have has not been the case in a couple of years

Among blue-collar voters, more men than women favor republicans, so we can ask what's going on with the men. It might seem that their pocketbooks say one thing, their votes another, but could it be that, by some good fortune, blue-collar men are actually better off than we imagine? Right now in this current economic climate, No, that can't be it!

Even if poor blue-collar men were pro-republican in general, we might at least assume that they would oppose the Georgia GOP's massive program of tax cuts to corporations & the well-to-so if they thought it favored the rich? If we did, then we'd be wrong again. So, what's going on? Should we throw out the old classic Clinton-era explanation for how we all vote: "It's the economy, stupid"? Not right away. Maybe the blue-collar man who favors that tax cut is thinking "the economy stupid" but only in the short term. He badly needs even the small amounts of money he'll get from a tax cut to repair his car or contribute to the rent. But then many working-class men labor decade after decade at difficult jobs to secure a future for their children. So if they think long term as a way of life, why are they thinking short-term when it comes to their vote?