The Cleland Way: The Quiet Leadership Guiding Jason Moon

If you’ve followed Georgia politics long enough, you know Max Cleland wasn’t just another name on a ballot. He was a walking lesson in service, sacrifice, and the kind of grit you can’t fake. Folks remember him as the Vietnam veteran who came home without three limbs but never lost his purpose. They remember the Secretary of State who modernized the office, the U.S. Senator who fought for veterans and working people, and the public servant who believed government ought to lift folks up, not weigh them down.

So when Jason Moon, Cleland’s first cousin and longtime aide steps into public life, it’s impossible not to see the fingerprints of that legacy on the way he carries himself.

Moon didn’t learn politics from a distance. He learned it in the trenches, watching Cleland work rooms from Bainbridge to Blue Ridge, always with the same message: service first, ego last. Cleland’s leadership style was steady, disciplined, and people‑centered. He didn’t chase headlines. He chased solutions. And he expected the folks around him to do the same.

That’s the environment Moon grew up in politically. Not the loud, cable‑news version of politics, the real kind. The kind where you sit with veterans who feel forgotten. The kind where you talk to workers who’ve been pushed aside. The kind where you learn that leadership isn’t about who talks the most, but who listens the hardest.

Cleland believed in resilience, not theatrics. He believed in dignity, not division. And he believed that public service was a calling, not a career ladder. Those values shaped the staffers who worked for him, and Moon was one of them.

You can see that influence in the way Moon approaches public work today. The tone is quieter, steadier, more grounded. The focus leans toward workers, veterans, and the folks who don’t usually get a microphone. That’s classic Cleland, the belief that the measure of a leader is how many people they help, not how many people they impress.

In a political era full of noise, that old‑school Cleland style stands out. It’s not flashy. It’s not performative. It’s the kind of leadership Georgia used to be known for and the kind that still resonates with people who remember what public service looked like before everything turned into a show.

Cleland left a mark on Georgia. And whether you’re for Moon, against him, or still figuring him out, there’s no denying this: he’s walking into public life carrying a legacy that was built on service, sacrifice, and the belief that leadership means showing up for people when it counts.

That’s the Cleland stamp. And it doesn’t fade.

Cut the Delusion — McCord’s the Only Shot Democrats Have in CD1

Every now and then a primary comes along where the choice isn’t complicated. Georgia’s 1st Congressional District is one of the toughest battlegrounds in the state, and if Democrats are serious about making CD‑1 competitive in November, then the nominee has to be someone who’s already proven they can do more than talk about winning, they have to show they can build a path to it.

From my vantage point, Michael McCord is the one Democrat in this race who’s actually done that work.

He’s gone into the parts of this district most candidates avoid, the rural pockets, the small towns, the places where Democrats haven’t always been welcomed with open arms and he’s earned respect there. Not because he’s flashy or overly polished, but because he shows up, listens, and speaks plain. That matters in a district like this.

He’s also put forward real, comprehensive proposals that speak to kitchen‑table issues,

the things families in this district actually argue about, budget around, and lose sleep over. That’s not theory. That’s preparation.

And then there’s the part folks don’t talk about enough: his ability to connect with rural voters. Not perform for them. Not pander to them. Connect with them. That’s rare, and it’s the difference between a campaign that looks good on paper and one that can actually compete in November.

McCord didn’t come up through the political system. He’s not a manufactured candidate. He’s not the product of a pipeline. He’s a true outsider — and in a district that’s tired of the same old political routine, that’s exactly the kind of candidate who can break through.

There’s no one else in this primary I see who’s as ready, as tested, or as capable of making GA‑01 competitive as Michael McCord. That’s just the truth from where I sit.

The Power She Still Holds: Why Abrams’ Timing Matters More Than Ever

Every election cycle has a shadow figure not a candidate, not a donor, not a pundit, but someone whose next move can shift the ground under an entire primary.  

In Georgia Democratic politics, that figure is still Stacey Abrams. And as the 2024 primary heats up, one question keeps floating through campaign offices, fellowship halls, and group chats across the state: What will Stacey Abrams do?

Not because she’s on the ballot.  

But because her endorsement still carries weight — real weight, especially in a year when Democrats are trying to rebuild coalitions, re‑energize grassroots networks, and avoid the fractures that have cost them close races before.

Will She Endorse Before the Primary? Probably Not

Abrams has a pattern, and political pols know it well. She rarely jumps into primaries early unless the field is thin or the stakes are unusually clear. In 2022, her endorsements came late, and they came surgically, all three of her endorsed candidates went on to win their runoffs by wide margins.

Abrams endorses when the timing maximizes impact, not when the rumor mill demands it. Early endorsements risk splitting coalitions. Late endorsements can decide them.

Will She Wait Until the Runoff? That’s the Smart Money

If history is a guide, the runoff is where Abrams’ influence hits hardest.

Runoffs are low‑turnout, high‑impact elections the kind where a well‑organized grassroots machine can swing the whole thing. Abrams built that machine. She knows how to deploy it. And she knows when to hold it back.

Political strategists note that her 2022 runoff endorsements weren’t symbolic. They were decisive. So if she steps in this year, the runoff is where her voice is most likely to land.

Does Abrams Still Have Statewide Influence? Absolutely and It’s Still Potent!

Whatever people say in public, the numbers tell the story.  

Her organizing infrastructure helped reshape turnout in 2020 and 2021. Her name still resonates with Black voters, suburban voters, and low‑propensity voters who don’t show up unless someone they trust tells them the election matters.

Grassroots power doesn’t evaporate.  It waits for the right moment. And 2024 is a year where Democrats may need every ounce of it.

Who Could She Endorse? A longtime Democratic strategist I spoke to see one interesting possibility

No one can predict her endorsement and this isn’t one. But a few have noted one candidate whose profile aligns with the kind of leaders Abrams has supported in the past:

Jason Moon, candidate for Labor Commissioner.

Here’s why his name comes up:

- He’s the first cousin of the late U.S. Senator Max Cleland  

- Abrams and Cleland had a well‑documented, positive relationship  

- Moon’s background in service and working‑class issues fits the lane Abrams often uplifts  

- His rural and small‑town appeal aligns with the coalition Democrats need to rebuild  

Again, this is analysis, not prediction.  

But in Georgia politics, family legacy still matters, and Cleland’s name still carries weight in Democratic circles. The bottom line is Stacey Abrams doesn’t move fast. She moves with purpose. And in a year where Democrats are trying to rebuild trust, re‑energize their base, and avoid the mistakes of past cycles, her endorsement — whether before the primary or in the heat of a runoff.  Her influence is still real and candidates with deep service backgrounds, rural credibility, and ties to respected Democratic figures like Jason Moon may align with the kind of leadership she’s backed before.

Georgia politics is never quiet.  

But sometimes the loudest moment is the one before the decision.

The Labor Race’s Quietest Threat

Every statewide cycle in Georgia produces at least one candidate who doesn’t fit neatly into the usual boxes, someone who isn’t the loudest, isn’t the flashiest, but has a way of moving through rooms and connecting with people that the political class tends to underestimate. In this year’s Democratic primary for Labor Commissioner, that person is Jason Moon.

Moon enters the race with a resume that stands out on paper and carries weight in conversation. As a U.S. Small Business Administrator, he’s spent years working at the intersection of workforce development, entrepreneurship, and economic mobility. And as a cousin of the late U.S. Senator Max Cleland, he carries a family legacy that still resonates deeply with many Georgia Democrats  especially older voters who remember Cleland’s service, sacrifice, and moral clarity.

But pedigree alone isn’t what makes Moon a wildcard.  

It’s his range.

A Candidate Who Moves Comfortably Between Worlds

Most candidates can speak fluently to one audience. A few can manage two. Moon is one of the rare ones who can walk into almost any setting and sound like he belongs there.

He can talk to factory‑floor workers without sounding like he memorized a script. He can sit across from corporate executives and hold his own on workforce pipelines, regulatory issues, and job‑creation strategies. He can speak directly to male voters who are looking for stable work that pays a real wage, not promises, not slogans, but actual pathways to employment.

And he can connect with single mothers who are trying to find a job that pays enough to keep the lights on, cover childcare, and still leave room to breathe. That’s not a demographic every candidate knows how to speak to, but Moon has shown an ability to meet people where they are and talk about work in a way that feels real.

A Rural Connection That Matters

In rural Georgia, the Department of Labor isn’t an abstract agency, it’s a lifeline. It touches agriculture, food processing, logistics, manufacturing, and the seasonal labor cycles that keep entire counties afloat. Many candidates talk about rural Georgia; fewer understand how labor policy actually lands on the ground.

Moon has the ability to explain that connection clearly. He can talk about agricultural jobs, workforce shortages, training programs, and the role the Department of Labor plays in stabilizing rural economies. That matters in places where voters aren’t looking for ideological purity, they’re looking for someone who understands the work they do and the challenges they face.

A Field of Five, But One Question Looms

The Democratic field for Labor Commissioner is made up of five good people, each bringing something different to the table. But like every statewide race, the conversation eventually comes back to the same question:

Who is most likely to match up well in a general election?

That’s where Moon becomes the wildcard. Not because he’s the loudest or the most polished, but because he has a rare ability to speak across lines class lines, geographic lines, gender lines, and political lines. In a state as diverse and competitive as Georgia, that kind of range is not something you can manufacture.

From my perspective, that’s what makes Jason Moon a serious contender in this race. Not inevitability. Not hype. Just the simple fact that he can walk into almost any room in this state and talk to people in a way that feels grounded, respectful, and real.

And in a Labor Commissioner race, a job that touches every worker, every employer, and every corner of Georgia that kind of connection matters.

Forgotten Giants of Georgia Politics, Part I: Charles Walker — The Hammer Who Ran the Senate

Every generation of Georgia Democrats has its stars. Today, most folks can rattle off names like Stacey Abrams, Raphael Warnock, or Jason Carter without thinking twice. But before the era of national profiles and turnout machines, Georgia had a different kind of political heavyweight, one who didn’t need cable news or a PAC to prove his influence.

His name was Charles Walker, and for a stretch of time, he was the most powerful Democrat in the state.

Not the most famous.  

Not the most photographed.  

But the most powerful.

Walker came out of Augusta with a sharp mind, a disciplined style, and a deep understanding of how power actually works under the Gold Dome. He wasn’t a show horse. He wasn’t a movement leader. He was a governing force, the kind of operator who could count votes, move bills, and keep a caucus in line.

When he became the first Black Senate Majority Leader in American history, it wasn’t symbolic. It was operational. He controlled the flow of legislation in a chamber full of old-guard Democrats who didn’t like being told what to do and yet they listened.

Former Governor Roy Barnes called him “the Hammer.”  Not as an insult but as a recognition.

If Barnes needed a tough bill passed, Walker was the one who made it happen. If a senator needed to be reminded how the process worked, Walker handled that too. He was the rare leader who could talk to rural white Democrats in one breath and Black Belt county leaders in the next, and both sides respected him.

That’s a kind of political power Georgia hasn’t seen since.

Then came the early 2000s, when the Bush Administration’s Department of Justice began targeting high-profile Southern Democrats. Folks still talk about Don Siegelman over in Alabama, but Georgia had its own version of that moment.

Walker was indicted and eventually convicted on charges that remain debated to this day. Whether you believe the case was political or not, the consequences were real and immediate:

- Democrats lost their strongest legislative strategist  

- The Senate caucus fractured which led to party switchers

- Rural white Democrats drifted faster toward the GOP  

- A generation of younger Democrats never learned Walker’s story  

His fall didn’t just end a career, it reshaped the party.

If not for the prosecution, it’s hard to imagine Walker not running for governor. He had:

- The network  

- The fundraising base  

- The statewide relationships  

- The resume

- The ambition  

And unlike many Black Democrats of that era, Walker had real credibility with rural white legislators, a coalition Democrats today are still trying to rebuild.

A Walker gubernatorial run in the early 2000s would’ve looked nothing like the modern statewide campaigns we see now. It would’ve been coalition politics, not nationalized politics. It would’ve been built on governing, not movement energy.

Georgia politics might look very different today.

Three reasons explain why so few Democrats under 40 know who Charles Walker is:

1. His fall overshadowed his rise.  

2. The party’s center of gravity shifted to Atlanta.  

3. The Abrams era reframed Democratic power as turnout-based, not legislative-based.

But if you’re talking about raw, inside-the-Capitol power, the kind that decides budgets, shapes policy, and keeps a caucus in line, Walker had more of it than any Georgia Democrat of the last 30 years.

Charles Walker’s story is complicated, but it’s part of Georgia’s political DNA. Before the era of national fundraising networks and voter‑mobilization machines, Walker showed what Black political leadership looked like inside the halls of power, not outside them.

And for a moment in time, he was the most powerful Democrat in Georgia.

Georgia Democrats Are at a Crossroads. And This Time, They Can’t Afford to Miss the Turn

Let me tell y’all something straight, the way folks talk on front porches from Bainbridge to Baxley: this year’s midterms might be the most crucial election Georgia Democrats have ever walked into. And that ain’t exaggeration, that’s just calling it like it is.

Jason Moon and Stacey Abrams.
Moon is running for Labor Commissioner. 

For all the talk about who the party uplifts, who it listens to, and who it forgets, one thing’s becoming clear to a whole lot of folks: everybody’s gotta be in the conversation this time. Black women, Black men, white men, young folks, old folks, all of ’em. Georgia’s too big, too complicated, and too politically split for anybody to get left out or taken for granted.

Anton Williams 
Candidate 
GA State School Superintendent 

Some folks say the party’s spent too many years chasing vibes instead of victories. And the truth is, Georgia might be changing, but it ain’t turned into New York or California overnight. It’s still a Southern, agricultural state, where metro Atlanta can’t carry the whole load by itself. You can’t win statewide by talking to six cities and hoping the rest of the map magically fills itself in.

This year, the word folks keep throwing around is electability, not who makes people feel warm and fuzzy, not who checks the most boxes, but who can walk into rural Georgia, shake hands, look folks in the eye, and not get laughed out the room. Because like it or not, Democrats can’t win without cutting into those rural margins that’ve been deep‑red since 2016.

And here’s the thing:  

There is an opening.  

Folks out in the country are frustrated with prices, with healthcare, with Washington fussing all day and fixing nothing. Some of them are tired of the noise, tired of the drama, tired of being talked at instead of talked to.

But an opening don’t mean a thing if you don’t step through it.

Let me tell y’all something straight, the way folks talk on front porches from Bainbridge to Baxley: this year’s midterms might be the most crucial election Georgia Democrats have ever walked into. And that ain’t exaggeration — that’s just calling it like it is.

For all the talk about who the party uplifts, who it listens to, and who it forgets, one thing’s becoming clear to a whole lot of folks: everybody’s gotta be in the conversation this time. Black women, Black men, white men, young folks, old folks — all of ’em. Georgia’s too big, too complicated, and too politically split for anybody to get left out or taken for granted.

Some folks say the party’s spent too many years chasing vibes instead of victories. And the truth is, Georgia might be changing, but it ain’t turned into New York or California overnight. It’s still a Southern, agricultural state, where metro Atlanta can’t carry the whole load by itself. You can’t win statewide by talking to six cities and hoping the rest of the map magically fills itself in.

This year, the word folks keep throwing around is electability — not who makes people feel warm and fuzzy, not who checks the most boxes, but who can walk into rural Georgia, shake hands, look folks in the eye, and not get laughed out the room. Because like it or not, Democrats can’t win without cutting into those rural margins that’ve been deep‑red since 2016.

And here’s the thing:  

There is an opening.  

Folks out in the country are frustrated — with prices, with healthcare, with Washington fussing all day and fixing nothing. Some of them are tired of the noise, tired of the drama, tired of being talked at instead of talked to.

But an opening don’t mean a thing if you don’t step through it.

So the big question hanging over this whole election is simple, and folks are whispering it from the coast to the mountains:

Will Georgia Democrats take advantage of the moment… or will they mess around and fumble it again?

Peanut Politics will be watching every step of the way because this year, the stakes ain’t just high. They’re historic. the big question hanging over this whole election is simple, and folks are whispering it from the coast to the mountains:

It's Charlie Bailey Time!

On Tuesday, voter will return to the polls to vote in a pair of runoff elections to determine who will go on to the General Election.

One such race is for Lt. Governor where Charlie Bailey who was a 2018 candidate for Attorney General will face off against Kwanza Hall, who is a former Atlanta City Councilman and Congressman.

Voters should vote for Charlie Bailey next Tuesday. He will be a strong fighter for Rural Georgia whether you live in Charlton County, Montgomery County, Polk County or Union County.

Charlie will first address the symptoms of a over regulated, over taxed economic base and it effect on the taxpayer. Second, he understands and respect that Rural Georgia is Georgia too! (He is a native of Harris County in Western Georgia). Third he will ensure no more rural hospitals will close and to finally spearheard much needed medicaid expansion to rural areas of our state that are in desperate need of healthcare services. And finally, he will address and try to come up with solutions to the three f's.... Fuel, Food, and Fertilizer. Our Farmers and Agriculture Industry rely tremendously on diesel a
nd fertilizer, and voters feel the pinch in their wallet and pocketbooks when go to the store or put gas in their vehicles.

Kwanza Hall, his opponent is a nice guy with many accomplishments and if he wins, I'd take a long look at supporting him, but right now Georgians need a Charlie Bailey as Lt. Governor to bring all parties together to continue to move Georgia forward.

Charlie has been endorsed by former Atlanta Mayor Shirley Franklin, former Governor Roy Barnes, Lt. Governor Mark Taylor, Congressman Hank Johnson.

Vote Charlie Bailey for Lt. Governor on Tuesday June 21.

Nadia Surrency for Georgia Labor Commissioner. Get Ready.

Dodge County native Jen Jordan for Georgia Attorney General

Same 'ol, Same 'ol.....Rural Voters and their disdain for the Democrat Party

Rural voters here in Georgia and across the country are voting their economic interests and have abandoned Democrats because they feel the party overlooks, ignores, and disrespects them. Rural voters don’t think that Democrats understand the economic realities of rural and small town life and have not focused attention on them. Instead, rural voters see leading Democrats like Stacey Abrams and Jon Ossoff as coming from and supporting urban concerns. Rural folk also believe that Democrats ignore rural needs and that rural areas do not get their fair share of resources. For example, many rural areas like Eastman, Montezuma, Talbot

ton, Statenville, Homerville, Folkston,  have faced recession-like conditions for decades due to a decline in manufacturing and small farms struggling to compete with corporate farms.

Yet, national Democrats focus on the problems of minorities and rarely talk about the problems of rural voters.  This fact is why identity politics backfires on Democrats. Understandably, Democrats support Black Lives Matter to rectify the historic injustices done to African-Americans. However, rural voters hear Democrats excluding them from help. When working class whites claim that “all lives matter,” they are not opposing helping African-Americans per se. Instead, they are claiming that working class whites need and want the help also. If Democrats could broaden their appeal beyond race, spend time in rural areas, and create policies to deliver benefits to these rural areas, Democrats could win more elections.

Fundraiser for Winfred Dukes slated for tomorrow in Atlanta

Tomorrow in Atlanta, Agriculture Commission candidate Winfred Dukes (D-Albany) will be the recipient of a high dollar fundraiser that will feature Roy Barnes, Mark Taylor, Charles Walker, Keith Mason, Shirley Franklin, and Bobby Kahn among others, Dukes is running to replace Gary Black who is running for the U.S. Senate. Tyler Harper is the only republican who's running for Ag Commissioner. Other Democrats in the race include Nakita Hemingway and Fred Swann. 

Dukes, a south Georgia Democrat is one of three democrats running statewide who hails fron outside of Atlanta, (Floyd Griffin of Milledgeville and Lester Jackson of Savannah)

Conservative Democrat Mike Ford awaits the winner of the Republican Primary for Ga-9th CD

Up in deeply conservative 9th Congressional District, Mike Ford, a Conservative Democrat is the lone democrat in the May 24th primary and awaits the winner of the GOP primary.

Ford, a native of Macon, Ga is a Vietnam War Veteran where he was awarded the Air Metal with Six Oak Leaf Clusters, National Defense Service medal, the Vietnam Service medal and Republic of Vietnam Campaign medal.

He is also a member of the NRA, and the Georgia Sport Shooting Association.

He is a democrat in the mold of former 8th Congressional District Jim Marshall and Charles Jenkins who once represented the 9th Congressional District in the 80s and early 90s.

Ford is a retiring attorney who has practiced law at the State Court, the 5th Circuit Court of Appeals, etc.

For more on Mike Ford go to his website at https://mike4georgia.com/

#1 Rated Business Show talks with Former State Senator and Secretary of State Candidate Floyd Griffin

Jessica Fore for GA-10 U.S. House of Representatives

Floyd Griffin, not Bee Nguyen can win in the General Election.

Over in Baldwin County, Retired Colonel, former State Senator and Mayor Floyd Griffin is one of only three Democrats who hail from outside of Metro Atlanta. Griffin is running to secure the Demoocratic nomination in hopes of becoming Georgia's next Secretary of State in a race that features Bee Nguyen who is the party's favorite, despite not having accomplished much during her time in the Legislature.

Right now according to a recent poll more than 60% of Democrats are undecided in the race in the race for Secretary of State.

Griffin joined the U.S. Army in 1967 and gradueted from the Army Command and General Staff College as well as the National War College.

This isn't Griffin first time running for a Statewide office. in 1998 he ran for Lt. Governor, losing to eventual winner Mark Taylor, who has endorsed Griffin's bid for Secretary of State. Before than, Griffin ran for the State Senate 25th District where he became the first black candidate to win a majority white district since reconstruction.

For Democrats, they need to focus on who can WIN in the General Election, not who can win solely in metro Atlanta. Right now Democrats in the metro Atlanta region refuse to look beyond their metro area base when it comes to supporting democratic candidates.Bee Nguyen is the Georgia Democratic Party's preferred favorite (even thought they pretend they don't endorse candidates in the General Election). She is also the favorite of left wing supporters and groups on the west and east coast and up north as well. But in a primary that will be dominated by black voters who make up more than 2/3rds of the primary vote, its very likely the democratic nominee will be a black candidate and it just might me Floyd Griffin or any other candidate in the race like Michael Owens or Dee Haigler.

The REAL Reason Rural Voters Continue to Vote Republican

Why do rural, working class whites vote Republican? Well based on conversations I've had throughout the last few years, many have told me that they are voting their economic interests and decided to leave the Democrats because they feel the party overlooks, ignores, and disrespects them.

Look, rural voters doesn't think that Democrats understand the economic realities of rural and small town life and have not focused attention on them. Instead, rural voters see Democrats as coming from and supporting urban concerns like Stacey Abrams for example who's probably going to run for Governor in 2022. Rural folks also believe that Democrats ignore rural needs and that rural areas do not get their fair share of resources. For example, many rural areas have faced recession-like conditions for decades due to a decline in manufacturing and small farms struggling to compete with corporate farms.

Here's a fact: National Democrats focus on the problems of minorities and rarely talk about the problems of rural voters.  This fact is why identity politics backfires on Democrats. Understandably, Democrats support Black Lives Matter to rectify the historic injustices done to Black folks. However, rural voters hear Democrats excluding them from help. When working class whites claim that “all lives matter,” they are not opposing helping Black Americans per se. Instead, they are claiming that working class whites need and want the help also. If Democrats could broaden their appeal beyond race, spend time in rural areas, and create policies to deliver benefits to these rural areas, Democrats could win more elections. Take a look at Jon Ossoff and Raphael Warnock, Georgia's two newest Senators. They know this and have been spending alot of time in rural parts of Georgia pushing policies that will help address some of Rural America's needs.

Also you have to look at the continued support of Donald Trump by rural working class voters can also be explained through this prism. Trump’s trade policies were popular because even though it may hurt some rural workers, they see Trump working to restore manufacturing plants lost decades ago. Moreover, many rural voters see illegal immigrants as competitors for their jobs who work for less and depress their wages which makes “the wall” popular.

Finally, Republicans have misread rural support for Republicans as support for limited government. That is wrong. Rural voters are fine with higher taxes (some of you may disagree with this) and more spending if they think it helps them. Their (republicans) current anti-government views reflect a belief that most government aid goes to urban areas. The challenge is that more government aid to rural areas and the poor conflicts with conservative orthodoxy. However, a more proactive approach to help the poor could help an older, white GOP expand its support among minority voters. But they can't see that and Democrats have failed so far to capitalize on this opportunity by refusing to go in unfriendly territory

Georgia Democrats Need A More "FOCUSED" Message To Draw Rural Voters.

Another election is upon us and just like previous years, Democratic recruitment was abysmal in both the State House and State Senate seats.

Georgia Democrats (mostly based around Metro Atlanta) know they must do better in rural areas. They know that, but so far they have failed to come up with a answer to solve ins woes in a region they once had a significant presence. Minority Leader Stacey Abrams doesn't have a clue because she is too tied up with her own personal and political ambitions at the expense of House Democrats who appear satisfied with being in the minority for the next 10, 15 years. The only people who know the pulse of rural Georgia are State Reps. Debbie Buckner (D-Junction City), Virgil Fludd (D-Fayetteville), Scott Holcomb (D-Tucker). Even with Dubose Porter who is a product of rural Georgia and a former disciple of former Senator Sam Nunn it seems doesn't have the answer of he in fact does have the answer, but is outnumbered by progressive liberals who know control the DPG and othe Democratic groups.

The bottom line is progressive Democrats based in metro Atlanta still don’t quite get what’s working at the grassroots down here. It’s not soft messaging about rural development. What’s working is a clear “Which side are you on?” message when it comes to defending rural schools and services, and the teachers and public employees who provide them, against a Republican austerity message that shifts even more of the burden from the wealthy to working families making less that $50,000 a year.

Schools and services are what keep small towns strong. If the fight is between Democrats who want to defend public schools, public services, and Republicans who want to sacrifice them in order to give tax breaks to the rich, that’s when you’ll see rural voters (White Working Class Voters) shifting back to the Democrats. The problem is how to break then from

Candidate Chris Irvin Agriculture Commissioner 2010 in Vidalia

the trance of Republicanism since the Reagan Era.

Reaching rural voters will take a strong message from Democrats here in Georgia. Republicans offer a simple message of cutting taxes. When in power, their party is more unified. For Democrats to compete, they must have an economic message that also appeals to poor and middle class families.

Metro Atlanta Democrats like Minority Stacey Abrams may not want to hear it, but the temptation for those Midtown liberals is to shake their heads over those down state, godforsaken white-working-class voters who are voting against their own interests. But this reaction misses the complexity of the political dynamic that’s taken hold in this state. It misdiagnoses the Democratic Party’s growing conundrum with working-class white voters. And it also keeps them from fully grasping what’s going on in communities like Hahira, Eastman, Vidalia where conditions have deteriorated.  If the Democrats are to avoid going the way of the dinosaur, they have to solve the rural riddle here in the Peach State!

Candidate Recruitment

Recruitment is an activity that parties whether its the Democratic or Republican Party can engage in even if the party is weak on other dimensions of organizational strength. In the case of the Georgia Democratic Party, it must contest races in order to stand any chance of winning office, candidate recruitment is one of the first task for the Georgia Democratic Party. It must be able to recruit candidates, even if the party lacks a grassroots base or significant caucus resources. 

Having said that, here we are in a state that's trending from red to pink and eventually purple, Democrats are still having difficulty locating, recruiting, targeting candidates for legislative.....and even so far statewide contests. I'll talk about statewide contest later.

With qualifying looming early next month, the success of candidate recruitment in the legislature will depend on the House Democratic & Senate Democratic caucus willingness to accept democrats who are in the mold of a, say John Barrow, a conservative, but independent-minded democrat who doesn't toe the party line on every substantive issue that comes before them. Especially in the House where minority leader Stacey Abrams, a unabashed liberal who I say is wary of any Democrat hailing below I-20 or below Macon running as Bluedog Moderate or Conservative Democrat. And that maybe because of rash party switchers that has occurred over the past 4,6,8 yrs (Dems from largely rural areas switching to GOP). But those days (Party Switching) are over, I believe.


Now let me offer Dem's some advice:

Make a list of likely prospects, and analyze for strengths and weaknesses & then select a final few to approach. If possible, get to know prospective candidates personally before ever mentioning their running for office. Try to determine their level of integrity, energy, etc.  

Meet face to face with the potential candidate to discuss the potential of running for office. If possible, get an elected democrat to help with the approach. The face to face meeting is an important step, and help you find out what they are interested in, what time commitments they can make, and what issues they are addressing in their lives that might impact their ability to run. Help find solutions to potential barriers they may put up against running: (if parents, they may need day care; if low income, they will need financial support; if working, they may be very busy and not able to commit a lot of time to run). 

Talk about issues; make sure there is a philosophical agreement between the party and candidate. It doesn't have to be 100%. If the candidate agrees with 65-70% with the philosophy of the Party of Jefferson (Thomas) & Jackson (Andrew), then that should be the green light. An ideal candidate should have their own network of support outside the Democratic Party. Certainly y'all can offer solid support, but the candidate must bring SOME resources to the table. Be clear with expectations of time and money being  spent, among other things.

And one more thing and I've said this before, the best candidate are the ones who's background and life story fit into the district he or she is running in! REMEMBER THAT!!

With qualifying weeks away, there maybe too little time to go through each of these, but if I were in charge of recruiting, this is the process I would use when seeking potential candidates for House or Senate Districts.

End the "Are You A Real Democrat" Purity Test

Some may not agree with me, but there is a PURITY test that is going on within the Democratic Party here in Georgia. Given the rash of party switching democrats in the legislature, now there's this Purity test as I call it to determine whether or not you're DEMOCRAT enough and how much do you love President Obama and the National Democratic Agenda.

Being a Moderate or Conservative Democrat is now is met with suspicion among those who determine who should earn the support of Democratic groups like the House and Senate Caucuses for example.

For some within the party, the though of being in a party with moderates and conservative democrats with different points of views on issues ranging from social to economic is unacceptable or unimaginable.

Why the disdain for another democrat with opposite views from that of a liberal is beyond me. The condescending attitude from some democratic activists, loyalists, insiders toward right-leaning democrats who hail from small towns or who was reared in a small town but moved to a much larger area small town is one reason why it's been difficult for the party to find and recruit strong able-bodied candidates for legislative seats in swing or conservative-leaning districts.

House Minority leader Stacey Abrams or State Senator Vincent Fort can be who they want to be because they represents VERY, VERY BLUE DISTRICTS in Metro Atlanta. On the other hand, the most hope you can hope for from Central and South Georgia is going to be a Quentin Howell-John Tibbetts style democrats, who are conservative leaning democrats whose backgrounds fits the makeup of the areas they tried to represent (Howell, HD 145, Tibbetts, then HD 153). Liberal Democrats may not like that, but the fact of the matter is, Stacey Abrams or Vincent Fort literally CANNOT win in Tifton, Milledgeville or Hazelhurst with the same rhetoric they use to win urban Atlanta voters. That's just a fact!

If you want to change the circumstances in those neck of the woods, then go for it, but I'm here to tell you, it's a complete waste of time. It'll take a lot of time and effort, and a LOT of persuasion of the populance. Not needing and cajoling those who doesn't see things your way! That means talking to people, not talking at them.

But the fact is the purity....well let me put it in another way...the underground purity game that is being used by democrats is a deadly game that will get them no where. All democrats are not party line foot soldiers, some are independent-minded, some are moderate, some are conservative, some are pro-business, pro-gun, pro-life, anti-regulation, tax cutters.

One problem with many of today's Georgia Democratic Liberals is that they don't understand the politics of the "Other" Georgia. Calling Bluedog Democrats Republican-Lite takes a monumental level of ignorance. Today's Democratic Party here in Georgia bear no resemblance of the Democratic Party of, say 2000.

The criticism from liberals towards moderate and conservative democrats that they aren't democrat enough is getting old and fast because they're willing to compromise a bit on issues in order to make progress. Whining and complaining about everything moderate and conservative democrats stand for is not going to help the party in the long run. Bluedog Democrats are not the problem, and getting rid of them only exacerbate the problems the party is facing.

The bottom line is stop with these purity test because a democrat who describes him or herself a moderate or conservative democrat maybe suspect. The problem is the current GOP rigid, anti-working class, anti-rural, anti-middle, low income voter agenda that has done nothing to improve the lives of the Trucker down in Atkinson County, or the Diesel Mechanic over in Terrell County, or the farmer up in Taliaferro County, or the 9th grade teacher up in Polk County.