The Party That Preaches Inclusion… Until a White Moderate Walks In

Georgia Democrats keep preaching ‘big tent’ while shrinking the damn doorway.

It’s a quiet Sunday morning here in Georgia, coffee rainy and politics humming just beneath the surface like it always does in this state. And as I sit here thinking about where this party is headed, one question keeps circling back like a stubborn June bug:

What happened to the white male moderate in the Democratic Party?

Not the old Dixiecrat.  

Not the segregationist relic.  

I’m talking about the modern white moderate Democrat, the working‑class welder, the small‑town teacher, the union man, the courthouse‑square Democrat who used to be the backbone of this party from Rabun Gap to Bainbridge.

Today, that man is treated like the red‑headed stepchild of Georgia Democratic politics. And that’s not just strange, it’s strategically reckless.

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A Party That Shifted While Nobody Was Watching

Let’s start with the truth:

The Democratic Party in Georgia is now dominated numerically, culturally, and politically  by Black voters.

Black voters are the most loyal, most consistent, most dependable base the party has.  

Black women, especially, are the engine that keeps the whole operation running.

And in the Legislature, over 90% of Democratic members are Black, representing urban and suburban districts. That’s where the votes are. That’s where the donors are. That’s where the party’s identity now lives.

But here’s the part folks don’t want to say out loud:

The party’s culture changed faster than its strategy.

And the white moderate once a central piece of the Old Tom Murphy coalition now feels like a guest in a house he helped build.

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The Red‑Headed Stepchild Effect

So when a moderate or conservative white Democrat steps up to run someone like David Dillie or Joe Powers the reaction inside the party apparatus is… muted.

Not hostile.  

Not hateful.  

Just indifferent.

And indifference is a slow death in politics.

These candidates get:

- half‑hearted support  

- lukewarm enthusiasm  

- quiet skepticism  

- and a whole lot of “we’ll see”  

Meanwhile, Republicans are running up 20‑ and 30‑point margins in rural districts that Democrats could be competitive in with the right candidate.

But the right candidate doesn’t fit the party’s current cultural mold so he gets ignored.

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The Math the Party Keeps Forgetting

Here’s the cold arithmetic of Georgia politics:

- Democrats are 11 seats away from a House majority.  

- Those 11 seats are not in Atlanta, DeKalb, or Gwinnett.  

- They’re in places like:  

  - Houston  

  - Lowndes  

  - Troup  

  - Paulding  

  - Bulloch  

  - Columbia  

  - McIntosh

And the candidates who can win there don’t sound like the candidates who win in metro Atlanta.

A welder like David Dillie of Effingham County can walk into a rural diner and talk jobs, schools, and stability in a way that lands.  

A community‑rooted moderate like Joe Powers of Dublin can talk to independents and soft Republicans without triggering partisan reflexes.

These are the candidates who shrink GOP margins.  

These are the candidates who flip the 2–4% that decide statewide races.  

These are the candidates who make a House majority possible.

And yet, they’re treated like afterthoughts.

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The Cultural Drift

The Democratic Party didn’t lose white moderates because they all turned conservative.  

It lost them because the party’s messaging, priorities, and internal culture shifted toward:

- urban issues  

- nationalized narratives  

- identity‑driven politics  

- progressive litmus tests  

Again — not wrong.  

Not immoral.  

Just incomplete.

The party built a new identity but never built a bridge back to the voters who don’t live inside that identity.

So when a white male moderate steps up to run, the party reacts like:

“Where did he come from”  

instead of  

“Thank God he showed up, we need him in that district.”

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If Democrats Want Power, They Need a Big Tent Again

This isn’t about nostalgia.  

It’s about strategy.

You don’t win a majority by doubling down on the districts you already have.  

You win it by expanding into the districts you’ve been losing for 20 years.

And the candidates who can win those districts don’t fit the party’s current cultural mold, but they fit the state’s political reality.

Black voters are the backbone.  

White moderates are the bridge.  

You cannot win Georgia without both.

The party doesn’t need to choose between them.  

It needs to stop acting like it has to.

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Sunday Morning Final Word

If Democrats want to get within striking distance of a House majority, just 11 seats away, they must stop treating white male moderates like political stepchildren.

Candidates like David Dillie and Joe Powers aren’t the problem.  

They’re part of the solution the party keeps ignoring.

And until Democrats embrace the full geography of Georgia not just the metro core they’ll keep leaving winnable seats on the table.

The Post‑Trump Problem Democrats Don’t Want to Talk About

For years now, Democrats have benefitted from a political landscape where one figure has dominated every headline, every argument, and every voter’s emotional bandwidth. Analysts across the spectrum have noted that Donald Trump has become the central reference point in American politics... the sun around which every other political message orbits. As long as he remains the focal point, Democrats can lean on a simple, powerful contrast: We’re not that.

But there’s a problem baked into that strategy, and it’s one that strategists, organizers, and community leaders have been talking about quietly for a while. When a party builds its identity around opposing a single figure, it risks losing its footing the moment that figure exits the stage.

And that moment is coming sooner or later.

The Limits of an Anti‑MAGA Message

Right now, Democrats are benefitting from a national mood that leans heavily on frustration with political chaos and fatigue with constant conflict. Many voters...suburban, independent, moderate, and even some traditionally conservative are responding to a desire for stability. Analysts have pointed out that this dynamic has helped Democrats win key races in recent years.

But that’s not the same thing as voters embracing a long‑term Democratic vision.

It’s reaction, not persuasion.

It’s exhaustion, not enthusiasm.

And it’s a strategy with an expiration date.

What Happens When Trump Isn’t the Center of Gravity

The moment Trump is no longer the defining force in American politics, the political map shifts. Without him:

- The Democratic coalition becomes harder to hold together  

- Internal ideological tensions re‑emerge  

- Republicans have room to recalibrate their image  

- Independents stop voting out of fear and start voting out of preference  

- Voters begin asking a question Democrats haven’t had to answer in years:  

  “What are you for?”

That’s the part many national Democrats haven’t fully grappled with. Riding an anti‑MAGA wave may produce wins in November, but it doesn’t build a durable governing identity.

The Image Problem That Never Went Away

Even with favorable winds, Democrats still face long‑standing perception challenges:

- Being seen as disconnected from working‑class life  

- Struggling to connect with rural communities  

- Sounding overly academic or moralizing  

- Allowing opponents to define them culturally  

- Failing to project clarity and strength in their messaging  

These issues don’t disappear just because voters are frustrated with Republicans. They simply get masked by the intensity of the moment.

When the moment passes, the weaknesses return.

The Risk of Misreading a Victory

If Democrats win big in November  and many analysts believe the anti‑MAGA mood could produce exactly that there’s a real danger in misinterpreting what those wins mean.

Some may conclude:

- “Our message is working.”  

- “The country is embracing our agenda.”  

- “We’re winning the argument.”  

But the truth may be far simpler:

- Voters were rejecting chaos, not endorsing a vision.  

- The wins were situational, not structural.  

- The coalition was held together by fear, not shared purpose.  

That’s how parties get blindsided in the next cycle.

The Opportunity — If Democrats Choose to Take It

A post‑Trump political landscape isn’t just a challenge for Democrats it’s an opportunity. It forces the party to answer questions it has avoided for nearly a decade:

- What does the party stand for beyond opposing one man?  

- How does it reconnect with working‑class voters?  

- What does a credible rural strategy look like?  

- How does it speak plainly about economic dignity?  

- What kind of candidates embody stability, competence, and community trust?  

Leaders who are steady, grounded, and cross‑cultural the kind who can walk into a union hall, a rural church, or a suburban civic meeting and be taken seriously  will define the next era of Democratic politics.

The Bottom Line

Democrats may very well ride the anti‑MAGA wave to victory this November. But waves crash. Winds shift. Political villains fade. And when that happens, a party built on contrast has to stand on its own.

The real test isn’t November.

The real test is what comes after  when the villain leaves the stage, and the spotlight turns to the party that’s been pointing at him for years.

That’s when voters stop asking, “Are you better than him?” and start asking, “Are you better for me?”

And that’s the question Democrats will have to answer, with or without Trump in the picture.

The 2026 Test: Do Georgia Democrats Want to Win or Feel Right?

Every election cycle comes with its own storyline, but Georgia’s 2026 midterms feel like a test — not just of candidates, but of the party’s identity. And the question hanging over everything from the U.S. Senate race down to county commission is simple:

What matters more to Democratic voters — purity or winning?

It’s a question folks whisper in barbershops, church parking lots, and union halls. It’s a question candidates feel every time they step into a forum. And it’s a question that’s shaping the entire ballot this year.

Georgia’s Coalition Is Wide — and That’s the Challenge

Georgia Democrats don’t have the luxury of a narrow base. The coalition stretches across:

- Black voters in metro and rural counties  

- White moderates in the suburbs  

- Latino and Asian communities  

- Young progressives  

- Older, pragmatic voters  

- Rural Democrats who’ve been outnumbered but not outworked  

When a coalition is this broad, tension is baked in. Some voters want a candidate who checks every ideological box. Others want someone who can walk into a red county, shake hands, and not get laughed out the room.

That tension is showing up up and down the ballot.

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The 2026 Field: A Mirror of the Party’s Divide

This year’s Democratic candidates from congressional hopefuls to statewide contenders reflect the full spectrum of the party.

You’ve got candidates running on:

- Pragmatic, coalition‑building messages  

- Progressive, movement‑driven platforms  

- Rural‑focused economic appeals  

- Urban‑centered reform agendas  

Some are emphasizing electability and broad appeal. Others are leaning into ideological clarity and issue purity. And voters are sorting themselves accordingly.

Political observers often note that this divide isn’t new — but the stakes feel higher now, especially with competitive races in congressional districts, the legislature, and statewide offices.

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Where Purity Shows Up

Purity politics tends to surface in:

- Primary debates  

- Online spaces  

- Issue‑specific activist circles  

- Younger, more ideologically driven segments of the base  

These voters want candidates who align perfectly with their values. They want boldness, clarity, and conviction. They want someone who won’t compromise.

There’s nothing wrong with that every party has a faction that pushes the envelope.

But purity alone doesn’t win statewide races in Georgia.

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Where Winning Shows Up

Winning‑focused voters often older, more consistent voters tend to prioritize:

- Broad appeal  

- Coalition‑building  

- Experience  

- Stability  

- The ability to compete in rural and suburban counties  

These are the voters who show up in every primary, every runoff, every general. They’re the backbone of the party’s turnout.

And they’re the ones who often decide who gets the nomination.

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The Rural Factor: Still the Missing Piece

Georgia may be changing, but it’s still a Southern, agricultural state. You can’t win statewide by stacking votes in six metro counties and hoping the rest of the map magically turns blue.

Candidates who can:

- speak to rural economic realities  

- show up in small towns  

- talk agriculture, healthcare access, and jobs  

- respect local culture  

…tend to perform better in November.

Some of this year’s candidates are leaning into that lane. Others aren’t. And voters will decide which approach they trust.

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So What Will Georgia Democrats Choose?

This midterm is shaping up to be a referendum on the party’s priorities.

Political analysts often point out that Democratic voters nationally are split between:

- those who want to win elections, and  

- those who want to win arguments.

Georgia’s 2026 ballot is giving voters a chance to show which path they prefer.

Will they choose candidates who can build a broad coalition across race, region, and ideology?  

Or will they choose candidates who represent the purest expression of their values?

Either way, the choice will define the party’s direction — not just for this cycle, but for years to come. 

The Back Roads Didn’t Turn Red. Democrats Left Them for Dead.

Georgia Democrats Didn’t Lose Rural Voters — They Abandoned Them.

Since 1968, the Republican Party has pulled off one of the most effective political realignments in modern American history. They convinced rural white men that they, not the Democratic Party, were the true defenders of their values even as Republican economic policies hollowed out the very communities those voters call home.

They did it through cultural identity.  

Guns.  

Symbolism.  

Grievance.  

A sense of “us versus them.”

And for many rural white men, that message stuck.

But it wasn’t always this way.

From FDR through Jimmy Carter, Democrats were the party of the farmer, the mill worker, the mechanic, the teacher, the factory hand, the blue‑collar backbone of rural America. Even in the 1990s, Bill Clinton managed to bring many of those voters back after the party drifted culturally left in the 1980s.

Today, with the MAGA movement gripping a large share of white male voters, the question is whether Democrats have the will and the courage to put their big‑boy britches on and make a serious play for voters who were once conservative Democrats, Reagan Democrats, or part of the Obama 2008 coalition

To understand the challenge, you have to look at Georgia.

The Collapse of the Old Georgia Democratic Coalition

For decades, Georgia Democrats held together a powerful coalition:  

Rural white Democrats + urban Black Democrats.

That coalition was held together by one man more than any other House Speaker Tom Murphy, the iron horse of Bremen.

Murphy understood rural Georgia. He understood its culture, its pride, its stubbornness, and its sense of identity. As long as he was in power, the coalition held.

But when Murphy lost in 2002, the entire structure collapsed like a house of cards.

    

That same year, Roy Barnes a popular incumbent was defeated in a stunning upset. The spark? His decision to change the state flag, which for many rural white Georgians was a cultural symbol tied to heritage and defiance. That moment accelerated a political migration already underway. 

After 2005, Democrats didn’t just lose rural Georgia  they walked away from it.  

No backup plan.  

No long‑term strategy.  

No investment.  

The once‑dominant Georgia Democratic Party became a shell of itself, increasingly mirroring the national party in tone and style. That shift further alienated moderate and conservative Democrats who had been the backbone of rural support.

Meanwhile, Republicans filled the vacuum with cultural messaging that resonated deeply in rural communities.

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Twenty‑Five Years Later: Georgia Has Changed, But the Math Hasn’t

Georgia today is not the Georgia of 2002.  

It’s younger, more diverse, more suburban, and more competitive.

But here’s the truth:  

Democrats cannot win statewide consistently without improving in rural Georgia.

Two things must happen:

1. Democrats must re‑engage rural white voters instead of running from them.

Not to win them outright, that’s not realistic in the short term  but to lose them by less.  

A shift from 80–20 to 70–30 in rural counties can flip statewide races.

2. Democrats must activate the 600,000 to 800,000 unregistered minority voters in Georgia.

This is the other half of the equation.  

You can’t build a statewide majority without both:

- Rebuilding rural margins, and  

- Maximizing urban and suburban turnout.

One without the other is a losing formula.

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Where Do Michael Thurmond and Jason Moon Fit Into This?

When people talk about Democrats who could help reopen the rural door, two names often come up: Michael Thurmond and Jason Moon. Not as magic bullets, but as examples of the kind of candidates who can speak across cultural lines.

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Michael Thurmond: The Steady Hand With Cross‑Cultural Reach

Observers often point out that Thurmond carries something rare in modern politics:  

credibility in both rural and urban Georgia.

People in rural counties know him from his decades of work in labor, education, and workforce development. He talks about work, wages, and opportunity not national culture‑war noise. Older rural voters respect his longevity and remember the era when Democrats still dominated Georgia politics.

He’s the kind of Democrat who can soften resistance, rebuild trust, and cut into the rural margins that have been bleeding for two decades.

Not flip rural Georgia but make it competitive enough to matter.

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Jason Moon: The Potential Breakthrough With Working‑Class Men

Moon is often described differently not as the old‑school bridge, but as the new‑school breakthrough.

His background and tone resonate with working‑class men who often feel ignored by the party. He presents a culturally familiar profile without trying to imitate rural voters or talk down to them. He represents generational change, and he speaks in a way that feels grounded, not scripted.

He’s the kind of candidate who could connect with voters Democrats haven’t reached in years, especially men who respond to authenticity, work ethic, and straight talk.

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Why These Two Matter

Georgia Democrats need two things at once:

- a statewide figure who can reopen the conversation in rural Georgia, and  

- down‑ballot candidates who can walk through the door once it’s cracked open.

In that framework:

- Thurmond is the steady hand who can reduce the rural deficit.  

- Moon is the fresh voice who can break through with voters the party hasn’t reached in a generation.

Together, they represent two different but complementary paths into rural Georgia.

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The Path Forward

If Democrats want to compete again at the state level, they must:

- show up in rural communities consistently  

- speak plainly about work, wages, hospitals, and infrastructure  

- respect rural identity instead of avoiding it  

- rebuild trust that was lost over decades  

- invest in long‑term organizing, not election‑year parachuting  

- expand the electorate by registering and mobilizing minority voters  

This isn’t a one‑cycle project.  

It’s a generational one.

But the alternative is simple:  

Stay in the wilderness.

Georgia Democrats Are at a Crossroads. And This Time, They Can’t Afford to Miss the Turn

Let me tell y’all something straight, the way folks talk on front porches from Bainbridge to Baxley: this year’s midterms might be the most crucial election Georgia Democrats have ever walked into. And that ain’t exaggeration, that’s just calling it like it is.

Jason Moon and Stacey Abrams.
Moon is running for Labor Commissioner. 

For all the talk about who the party uplifts, who it listens to, and who it forgets, one thing’s becoming clear to a whole lot of folks: everybody’s gotta be in the conversation this time. Black women, Black men, white men, young folks, old folks, all of ’em. Georgia’s too big, too complicated, and too politically split for anybody to get left out or taken for granted.

Anton Williams 
Candidate 
GA State School Superintendent 

Some folks say the party’s spent too many years chasing vibes instead of victories. And the truth is, Georgia might be changing, but it ain’t turned into New York or California overnight. It’s still a Southern, agricultural state, where metro Atlanta can’t carry the whole load by itself. You can’t win statewide by talking to six cities and hoping the rest of the map magically fills itself in.

This year, the word folks keep throwing around is electability, not who makes people feel warm and fuzzy, not who checks the most boxes, but who can walk into rural Georgia, shake hands, look folks in the eye, and not get laughed out the room. Because like it or not, Democrats can’t win without cutting into those rural margins that’ve been deep‑red since 2016.

And here’s the thing:  

There is an opening.  

Folks out in the country are frustrated with prices, with healthcare, with Washington fussing all day and fixing nothing. Some of them are tired of the noise, tired of the drama, tired of being talked at instead of talked to.

But an opening don’t mean a thing if you don’t step through it.

Let me tell y’all something straight, the way folks talk on front porches from Bainbridge to Baxley: this year’s midterms might be the most crucial election Georgia Democrats have ever walked into. And that ain’t exaggeration — that’s just calling it like it is.

For all the talk about who the party uplifts, who it listens to, and who it forgets, one thing’s becoming clear to a whole lot of folks: everybody’s gotta be in the conversation this time. Black women, Black men, white men, young folks, old folks — all of ’em. Georgia’s too big, too complicated, and too politically split for anybody to get left out or taken for granted.

Some folks say the party’s spent too many years chasing vibes instead of victories. And the truth is, Georgia might be changing, but it ain’t turned into New York or California overnight. It’s still a Southern, agricultural state, where metro Atlanta can’t carry the whole load by itself. You can’t win statewide by talking to six cities and hoping the rest of the map magically fills itself in.

This year, the word folks keep throwing around is electability — not who makes people feel warm and fuzzy, not who checks the most boxes, but who can walk into rural Georgia, shake hands, look folks in the eye, and not get laughed out the room. Because like it or not, Democrats can’t win without cutting into those rural margins that’ve been deep‑red since 2016.

And here’s the thing:  

There is an opening.  

Folks out in the country are frustrated — with prices, with healthcare, with Washington fussing all day and fixing nothing. Some of them are tired of the noise, tired of the drama, tired of being talked at instead of talked to.

But an opening don’t mean a thing if you don’t step through it.

So the big question hanging over this whole election is simple, and folks are whispering it from the coast to the mountains:

Will Georgia Democrats take advantage of the moment… or will they mess around and fumble it again?

Peanut Politics will be watching every step of the way because this year, the stakes ain’t just high. They’re historic. the big question hanging over this whole election is simple, and folks are whispering it from the coast to the mountains:

Georgia Might Be Riper for a Political Jolt Than Anyone Wants to Admit

Every few years someone whispers about a “blue wave” in Georgia, and most of the time it’s wishful thinking. But this cycle feels different, not because Democrats are suddenly surging, but because Republicans are carrying more political baggage than usual, and voters across the state are feeling real‑world pressure that cuts deeper than party loyalty.

Georgia families from the exurbs outside Atlanta to the timber farms in Southeast Georgia are getting hammered by the same problems: cost of living, insurance rates, housing, groceries, and wages that haven’t kept up. That’s not a damn ideology. That’s pain!

And when voters feel squeezed long enough, they start looking for someone to blame.

Democrat Geoff Duncan on the campaign trail

Add to that the global instability with Iran, which has injected uncertainty into national politics at the worst possible moment for the party in power. Foreign crises don’t automatically shift elections, but they do shake voter confidence, especially among independents and soft partisans.

Then there’s the elephant in the room:

The GOP’s unwavering, iron‑clad loyalty to Trump.

For years, that loyalty has been a political asset in rural Georgia. But when economic frustration meets political fatigue, even the most loyal voters sometimes step back, stay home, or quietly split their ticket.

That’s how “mini waves” happen, not with a dramatic flip, but with a slow erosion of turnout and enthusiasm in places that used to be automatic.

So is a blue wave guaranteed? No.

But is the ground shifting under the surface?

In a lot of places, it sure looks like it.

If a political jolt hits Georgia this year, it won’t start in Atlanta.

It’ll start in the places no one watches, the exurbs, the small towns, the timber counties
where voters are tired, stretched thin, and no longer impressed by political loyalty tests that don’t put food on the table.

Are Georgia Democrats concerned about a possible extinction in Rural Georgia because the brand is so toxic?

Tattnall County Ga- Some Democrats here whether its in the black belt, the wiregrass region are afraid to tell you they're Democrats. The Party brand is so bad in small town Georgia that some who lean liberal have refused to acknowledge their affiliation publicly. Democrats here are used to being outnumbered, but as their numbers continue to drop, the few remaining are more isolated.

The hatred for Democrats is just crazy, said a longtime democratic resident of Tattnall County who told his daughter to get rid of a pro-Biden bumper sticker back in 2020. Democrats have been ostracized from many parts of rural Georgia, leaving party leaders (who are clueless when it comes to rural Georgia) few options to reverse a cultural trend while continuing to devote the majority of its resources to voters in more populated urban and suburban areas of the state.

Past candidates like William Boddie who ran for Labor Commissioner in 2022 know his party can no longer afford to ignore rural voters. Boddie is a Democrat and a possible gubernatorial candidate in 2026 is someone who I would describe as someone who is a champion for the forgotten, the marginalized and the left behind places is the type of candidate who gets it. The Democratic Party struggles in rural Georgia has been building since the early 2000s and it show no signs of getting better.

Dodge County native Jen Jordan for Georgia Attorney General

Floyd L. Griffin Campaign Video

Can Winfred Dukes put a "W" in the win column for State Democrats?

It's no secret that the Democratic Party has been bleeding voters over the past decade in rural Georgia. In 2010 Georgia voters elected Republican, now Senate candidate Gary Black over then State Senator J.B. Powell, another Conservative Democrat to succeed longtime Agriculture Commissioner, the late Tommy Irvin, a Conservative Democrat from Northeast Georgia who was appointed by then Governor Lester Maddox in 1969 who Tom Baxter coined as the last Democrat out the door following his retirement in 2010. Irvin's grandson Chris Irvin ran in 2014, losing to Gary Black.

Now comes Winfred Dukes, a centrist Democratic State Representative from Southwest Georgia (Albany), the heart of Georgia Agriculture. He served over two decades in the Georgia house. He gives the Democrats best chance at winning this crucial post. But he must get past the Democratic primary where two other candidate are vying for the nomination. Dukes comes from the Roy Barnes-Mark Taylor-Michael Thirmond wing of the Democratic party that still carry some influence despite the new, progressive wing led by Stacey Abrams.In many states, the position carries significant authority. In 40 states, according to the National Association of State Departments of Agriculture, agriculture departments oversee the animal industry; in about half of states, they oversee food safety and meat inspection. In 48 states, they determine what qualifies as "organic," while in 43 states they regulate pesticides. Over the past decade, growing Republican strength further down the ballot here in Georgia, combined with attrition among long-serving, conservative Democrats incumbents has helped the GOP win lower state offices and increased opportunities for the types of rural Republicans who can seriously contest the position of agriculture commissioner.

The GOP has also focused more attention on agriculture offices, partnering with the Republican Agriculture Commissioners Committee and Ag America, a group that works to elect qualified Republican candidates to the position.

What's more, Democratic electoral and bench strength here in Georgia is concentrated in cities and suburbs, where it’s hard to become a credible candidate for agriculture commissioner. Two Democrats running for Ag Commissioner, Nakita Hemingway and Fred Swann hail from the metro Atlanta area. Besides, rural voters feel they have more at stake in voting for agriculture commissioner than urban voters do ans that my friends is a fact!

These days the GOP has no shortage of qualified candidates here in Georgia with agricultural backgrounds, while Democrats have tapped a mix of farmers, agriculture policy experts, civil servants and the occasional rural lawmaker for the post. Can Dukes break the Democratic drought? 

It's Put Up Or Shut Up Time! Will Georgia Democrats Compete in Rural Areas, for Rural Legislative Seats in 2022?

I've always said that a Democratic vote in rural Mitchell, Marion, or Ware County counts just as much as a vote in suburban Cobb County. It’s important for Democrats to take stock of their efforts to turn out rural voters in the same way they assess their tactics in other areas of the Peach State. The party was successful last year because candidates Jon Ossoff and Raphael Warnock expanded the map beyond the Metro Atlanta area and didn't take any votes for granted. Last year Democrats made significant inroads in small towns and rural areas down in central and south Georgia, and it’s crucial they keep up that effort going into the 2022 midterm elections.

Democrats have to stay competitive in rural areas of the state and that starts with recruiting a legitimate, strong candidate to take on incumbents like Austin Scott in GA-8, Buddy Carter in GA-1, Drew Ferguson in GA-3 as well as candidates for the state legislature. It’s clear that suburban and urban voters were a major driver of our victories, but they can’t forgo small towns and rural counties. If Democrats want to get things done in Atlanta and at the local level and mount a strong challenge for control of the Georgia General Assembly next year, they have to win outside of the suburbs.

Democrats can win these communities by showing up and passing policies that directly benefit rural Georgians. That’s why newly elected Senators Raphael Warnock and Jon Ossoff spent the final week of his campaign on a tour through Southwest and Central Georgia. Popular Democratic priorities like Medicaid expansion, which helps fund rural hospitals and extending broadband infrastructure see some of their biggest benefits in rural communities, and it’s important that they keep working hard to support these policies.

It will be tempting for democrats to look at the results of last year’s elections and conclude that Democrats here need only win votes in suburban and urban areas to be successful. That would be a mistake. As the party has grown stronger over the past few years, they've expanded their presence across the Peach State. 

There have been a lot of great candidates that did not make it to the Gold Dome and me over the years like Marc Arnett of HD 138

Marc Arnett

who came up short of unseating Mike Cheokas, or Jack Lance who ran back in 2010 for HD 8 along with the endorsement of late Governor Zell Miller but I would not consider those campaigns to be losses. It will take time to flip some of these rural areas.

Jack Lance with Zell Miller

Democrats can absolutely be competitive in rural Georgia. They just have to get back to basics, and that will start with real conversations about community issues. I am a big advocate for localized messaging and community-based organizing. Democrats love to hire people who are out of state and expect them to know how to communicate in their new turf. That doesn’t work, especially not in rural Georgia. Rural Georgians can smell an out-of-towner from miles away. They need people who live there to have these conversations. Local people are experts in their communities and should be the ones to drive the conversation.

There are some people that will not be receptive to having a conversation because they disagree on wedge issues, and that’s fine. We are all entitled to our opinions. We all have limited time and resources. It is a much better use of time to talk with someone who is willing to have a productive conversation than someone who is committed to arguing.

 

 

Georgia Dems Can Win Some of the Rural Vote...

If they did one simple thing: Show up. Right now, they don’t. But that maybe changing. Sarah Griggs Amico have made several trips to South Georgia since the end of the primary, so have candidate for Attorney General Charlie Bailey, Agriculture Commissioner candidate Fred Swann among others. Stacey Abrams have made a few ventures outside Georgia, but one have to wonder can she...or will she commit to courting rural Georgia voters.

Rural voters notice the exclusion. Republicans by contrast structure their messaging around popular rural themes like Guns, The Flag, Religion, etc. They show up at county fairs and festivals, and voters respond . . . The reason they dominate elections is that they’re highly visible and constantly communicate that ‘we’re on your side and the Democrats are not.’ They win the argument by default because Democrats aren’t around to offer a rebuttal.

Word to Democratic candidates....You don’t have to become a Republican in order to have rural appeal. It’s only important that you show, that you care about local concerns, and that you are working for solutions. There’s nothing very complicated about connecting with rural voters. Success starts with simply showing up and demonstrating a genuine desire to learn. But the twice-in-an-election-cycle, 90-minute parachute drop to tour a factory, visit a farm, or hold a press conference will be seen as the political ploy that it is.

When the Democratic ticket bails out on, say the Plains Peanut Festival in Plains, Ga the candidates will have a little time in the air on their way to Tifton. 

Yes, rural areas are culturally conservative. The voters who are most concerned with those cultural issues ought to be voting for Republicans. Those aren’t votes Democrats will ever win. However, Democrats do a lot of things to hurt themselves in rural Georgia and don’t even realize it.

For instance: How about actually paying attention to rural Georgia? The impression that many rural voters have is that Democrats have morphed into an urban-suburban party that simply doesn’t care about them anymore. You don’t seem to talk about the things that matter most here. 

But....candidates like Lt. Governor candidate Sarah Griggs Amico, Attorney General candidate Charlie Bailey, Candidate for Secretary of State John Barrow, as well as Janice Laws who is running for State Insurance Commissioner have made numerous visits to rural Georgia since the end of the primary.

There is little risk in Democrats reaching for rural votes, especially in a gubernatorial year. Even if you get three out of 10 voters, ... that can make for a huge shift if the margins are so small on a state level

But at the end of the day it’s still God, guns and gays. Those issues are the old standby for Republicans to divide voters, to cut them out from where their interests might be better served. 

Georgia Dems Need To Get To Work Mobilizing the Youth, Black Vote...During Homecoming Weekend!

As we near election day, candidates for statewide office from Jason Carter to Greg Hecht to Robin Shipp need to push the pedal to the metal.

The major weakness right now among democrats is not with white voters, but with their most loyal base....Black Voters. And without them, democrats cannot and will not be successful at the polls

As we all know, black voters drop off tremendously during the midterm elections and it's something that democrats for years have never able to figure out.

Albany State Homecoming, 2013

So what do they need to do to to mobilize black voters, some are also called "Obamacrats" who only support Pres. Obama and nothing else? There's no dominant issue that is resonating with them, so it will very difficult to move this bloc of voters ahead of early voting and on the first Tuesday in November.

What the candidates need, or ought to do is do a barnstorm of the state and visit all the colleges and universities to rally young, undecided voters and also those who voted for President Obama back in 2012. Assemble a entourage of Atlanta Mayor Kasim Reed, Congressman John Lewis, Congressman Sanford Bishop, former Atlanta Mayor Shirley Franklin, former candidate for State School Superintendent Alisha Morgan. And as a bonus bring the big guns such as former President Bill Clinton or likely 2016 presidential contender Hillary Clinton.

Valdosta State Homecoming, 2013

Fort Valley State University Homecoming is Oct. 25, Albany State University Homecoming is also Oct 25, Clark-Atlanta is Nov.1, Morehouse Homecoming is Oct. 18, Paine Collge is also Oct. 18, Columbus State University is Oct. 25, Mercer University is Nov.2, Valdosta State is Oct 25.

As you can see, multiple colleges will be having their homecoming on Oct 25, which is on a saturday. That's the perfect opportunity for democrats like Michelle Nunn, Valerie Wilson, Jason Carter, Chris Irvin, Robin Shipp to appeal to college students, Obamacrats, alums and people from surrounding areas who will make the trip to the homecoming festivities.

Despite the barrage of attack ads from outside groups toward Jason Carter and Michelle Nunn, both have pretty much withstood the storm of negative attack ads and are now well positioned to do well on election day. Every vote counts!

Campaigning is Different in Rural Georgia

He didn’t shake my hand, she didn't ask for my vote, so I’m not going to vote for him or I'm not going to vote for her. For a long time, I've often-heard this remark by voters in various rural areas of Georgia. That's what I hear now when the name of Michelle Nunn or any other candidate comes up. Political campaigns and races in rural counties have often been decided by just such seemingly whimsical reasoning.

Roy Barnes appearance in rural Berrien County in 2010 during his run for governor

However, if you’ve spent any time in rural areas, then you have some grasp of how small town people and farm folks look at elections and politicians. On the surface, that remark may seem foolish but rural residents reasoning runs much deeper and more serious than that statement may seem. Longtime residents of metropolitan cities here in the state probably think that’s a silly reason for voting or not voting for a candidate. But, having spent the majority of my life in a small town I understand the reasoning. It goes to character.

Yes, it says something about the candidate’s character but it also raises the question of the depth of the candidate’s character. While, metro residents may seem to be more attuned to issues, small town and rural folks put a lot of stock in a candidate who has the gumption and, yes, strength of character, to look a man in the eye, shake his hand and ask for his vote. I know how important this is, I seen it first hand two years ago while working on a campaign for State House. Numbers, of course, play a major role in how a candidate and his campaign people approach the race. If the area to be represented is sizable in both population and/or geographic area, much of the candidate’s appeal will be directed through appearances at events catering to candidates and through advertising and mass media messages to the electorate.

But, a candidate who dismisses the press-the-flesh/knock on- doors approach as too time-consuming, colloquial and lacking depth is usually making a major mistake. And, to think that a voter who wants to look you in the eye probably doesn’t know what the issues are, is usually a misjudgement by a candidate and his campaign workers. A voter who wants a candidate to shake his hand and look him in the eye, can probably tell from the candidate’s reaction if the politician is committed plus confident in his depth of knowledge of the job and the issues. (Again I go back to 2012 when I worked for Thomas Coogle campaign for State House 139...that kind of outreach works!)

Rural and small town folks have always done a lot of handshake business so they generally have a good feel for a person’s sincerity and honesty. Of course, there is a difference between a politician and someone you see and do business with regularly. Naturally, if the pol is local, he/ she understands that they have to face most voters frequently. Maybe they see them shopping every week or go to the same church or hold civic club membership in common.

That kind of exposure will go a long way toward ensuring a candidate’s honesty. He or she knows they have to look the same people in the eye daily or weekly and there are less places to run and hide.

For statewide candidates, especially democratic candidates, this is a MUST! They may not go door to door, but attending those summer festivals across Georgia and during the fall, attending friday night football games offer a valuable opportunity for them to connect with voters. Already I've seen candidates such as Liz Johnson (Insurance Commissioner) visit Coffee County, Chris Irvin (Agriculture Commissioner) visit several rural counties such as Early, Peach, and Crisp Co for example and Robin Shipp (Labor Commissioner) trek to Sumter and several other rural counties since announcing her candidacy.

The Top Two Candidates, Jason Carter and Michelle Nunn need to do more of this as we now are into August, especially Michelle Nunn who really needs to raise her profile in rural Georgia ASAP!

Forget About Being Nice: Democrats Need To Tap The Anger Vein In Voters

Midterms are all about anger....and in some instances rage.  Polls never really show the exact extent of this.  There’s no identifiable or authoritative Anger Poll – a "how angry are you" poll. Personally, I’d like to see an anger poll.  Not another level of dissatisfaction with Congress poll or how much voters disapproves of President Obama poll.  And even though it’s something like news for the horse race gamblers, some of us get unbelievable headaches from survey after survey measuring how much half the public still detests the Affordable Care Act or "Obamacare" a it called.

But, an anger poll could go beyond the political divisions and reveal the root cause of electoral anxieties we see in polls and hear on the street.  The deciding factor in this upcoming midterm elections isn’t really about which party base is the most mobilized, but it’s more about how angry or anxious certain blocks of voters are.

This is problematic for both Democratic and Republican parties.  However, at this stage, it’s much more problematic for Democrats as the left has proven itself incapable of using voter anger as a valuable resource simply because they are too nice.  While progressives are writing diatribes and pity party scripts, conservatives are coming up with creative twists on anger and that strategy works everytime. Defensively, Democrats are earnestly rolling out a wave of populist themes designed to win the hearts and minds of lost base voters. From the minimum wage to equal pay, the issues seem solid on paper and in polling headlines bearing upbeat assessments of a Democratic Party comeback in this year’s highly critical midterm election.

Issues such as the minimum wage increase appeal to non-white voters at a much higher rate. But for any democrat to do well this november and win, he or she will have to go after the white vote. For all the talk about democrats needing to turnout their base, which will not be on the level of that of 2008 or 2012, white voters..those who are middle of the road, bluecollar will be the deciding bloc for democrats this year. If the Democratic party, is to thrive for instance like here in Georgia, it cannot simply accommodate itself to Republicans. The party needs to seize control of the battle for new ideas, reinvigorate its grassroots base, and develop new mechanisms for communicating its ideas to the public.

Fear, Negativity Drive Today's Republican Party

It's very clear that a new reactionary ideology has taken root in the Republican Party. The Republican Party is pushing for economic and social policies based on fear. Fears of massive transformation, turmoil and chaos underway in our society. And, fears about how those transformations will impact lives largely defined by self-interest, power and money. Some fear-generated policies are consciously created; others, not so. That is, some reflect a yearning for restoration of a way of life that no longer works in today's changing society and globalized world. Other policy positions reflect conscious manipulation of those fears; But all driving the positions the Republican Party with assistance from the unrelenting Tea Party demands and is determined to enact.

The way I look at it, their ideology and policies reactionary because they are a retreat away from creating positive, responses to large-scale upheaval and change; and towards objectives that fail to address the sources of problems they aim to fix. (Just sit and watch the wave of negative, doom and gloom, lookout the sky is falling political ads that will fill your airwaves this election season against Democratic Candidates for Federal, State & Local Office). Worse, their view of the impact their policies would have upon society doesn't correspond to factual reality.  Government for example is viewed as the embodiment of fear of being taken over by forces that are dangerous, and therefore must be opposed or defended against. Driving this ideology is the fear of losing control over one's life when confronting the reality of the interdependence and interconnection characterizes today's world. For some, those fears lead to the belief that you can live without help from anyone or anything.

When people are emotionally overwhelmed with feelings that their world, their values and identity are turned upside down or destroyed, they may embrace beliefs that are extreme, rigid or elect candidates who represent those beliefs. Such people become increasingly vulnerable to dysfunction because the everything around them continues to change and evolve in ways that frightened them into embracing false beliefs to begin with. They want to feel safe and protected against a changing world, but their solutions don't work.

With More Poverty and Less HealthCare, Rural Georgia Would Benefit Most From Medicaid Expansion

Jennings Medical Clinic, Calhoun County

Unfortunately republicans don't see it that way!

Despite a majority of the state population residing in or around Metro Atlanta, Georgia is still a largely rural state. Georgia is a beautiful state and its many rural and isolated communities offer a vital and meaningful lifestyle. But Georgia's rustic landscape also makes assuring quality, affordable healthcare for rural residents a formidable challenge. Rural Georgians are less healthy and face greater obstacles to healthcare compared with its urban and suburban counterparts.

According to the County Health Rankings, Over in Emanuel County, 27% of residents under the age of 65 are uninsured. Other rural counties also have the same problem:

Tattnall County: 28%
Irwin County: 26%
Colquitt County: 27%
Tift County: 25%
Even Hall County, home of governor Nathan Deal & Lt. Governor Casey Cagle has 26% that are uninsured.

Because a good percentage of working Rural Georgians earns too little to afford private coverage, the ACA provide federal dollars for states like Georgia to expand medicaid programs to cover low-income working people. Expanding medicaid offers a way to cover low-income Georgians.

Regrettably, Gov. Nathan Deal (R) has been against  Medicaid expansion and now the republican state legislature have removed the powers of the governor to expand, who would have to get approval of the legislature. Given the high uninsurance rate in rural areas, is the governor's refusal to expand medicaid in the best interest of his constituents? NO!!

ACA politics are worsening the health care inequality between urban and rural Georgians. Hundreds of thousands of rural Georgians will fall into the coverage gap due to the denial of expanding medicaid. The media here in Georgia has given scant attention to the rural Georgians who have been denied healthcare coverage by their state leader(s).

Population has declined steadily in rural Georgia for decades. Rural counties have higher rates of poverty and fewer people in their prime working years to fuel the economy. The politicization of Medicaid expansion further denies rural residents and ensure the well-known disparities in health and life expectancy will continue. Beyond this, refusing to expand medicaid also penalizes already-threatened rural hospitals in which a number have already closed, thus forcing residents to drive, 30,40 miles to the nearest hospital for treatment.

Some of these hospitals have fewer than 25 beds and are at least 30, 40 miles from the next hospital. Critical access hospitals serve a poorer population that is more likely to be uninsured or older and eligible for medicare. They also usually are not able to offer the more lucrative services that drive revenue at a larger city hospital. Critical access hospitals can't turn away the uninsured, but treating these folks strain already unstable budgets. Faced with cuts in medicare reimbursements and no expansion of medicaid to cover its uninsured population, these critical access hospitals are either laying off, or facing closure, or they have already closed.

Rural areas of Georgia stand to benefit the most from medicaid expansion and will be penalized if the state's leaders continue to refuse federal funds. Georgia's rural counties already have the lowest incomes and highest rates of the insured. In an ideological battle over funding, who is representing rural Georgia's interest? It's certainly not the ruling GOP, nor the rural republican legislators who just sit there and say or do nothing to advocate for the rural cashiers at the local dollar general store, workers from the kaolin factory all because of trying to be "Politically Correct:!

The Biggest Lie Ever Told: The Republicans are for "Small" Government

The Republican Party touts itself as the advocate for small government and individual liberty. Well, that's the biggest lie ever told in Politics.

For all the talk about how Democrats are the party of Big Government, let's keep it real...The Republican Party also love Big Government. A few marginal party activists, like U.S. Rep. Ron Paul, or even Paul Broun of Georgia have championed limited government, even libertarian policies. But this is not at all the norm for the GOP nationally, state and local.

It has also supported government subsidies for religious institutions, government restrictions on immigration and free passage across international boundaries, government denial of collective bargaining rights for public sector workers and government interference with women’s right to abortion and doctors’ right to perform it. The Republicans has rallied around, (Guess what) government interference with the right of same-sex couples to marry, government provision of extraordinarily lengthy imprisonment for drug possession (for example, in the “war on drugs”) and numerous other nonviolent offenses, government interference with voting rights (such as “voter suppression” laws), and government restrictions on freedom of information.

Wait.....now there is plenty of GOP support for small government when it comes to cutting taxes on the wealthy, limiting regulation of big business, gutting environmental regulations, weakening legal protections for workers and minorities, and slashing government funding for public education, public health, and social welfare services. But there is a common thread to this kind of small government action. It is all designed to serve the interests of the wealthy and powerful at the expense of everyone else. (Look here in Georgia for example) Thus, the Republican Party opposes government alleviation of hunger through the distribution of food stamps, but supports government subsidies to corporations. I don't get it!

You can bet and you're already hearing it with this being the year that all 435 members of congress are up and many Senators face re-election and wanna be congressmen, women and senators are vying to occupy some of these seats, there will be plenty of rhetoric about freedom and limited government. But the party’s actual policies will reflect a very different agenda. For THOSE folks who can see beyond the deluge of SLICK campaign advertisements, it should be clear enough that the Republican Party’s claim to support small government  is a fraud, a scam, a outright lie! That claim is only an attractive mask, designed to disguise a party of privilege.

All Points Bulletin To Georgia Dems: Stop Avoiding......or Running Away From The Rural Georgia Voter!!!!!!!!!!

Democrats for some reason are afraid of the Rural Georgia Voter. For some mathematically challenged reason, they don't think they can beat the republicans on this isolated, sparsely populated terrain and that is sad from my vantage point. Congressman John Barrow although he is a congressman have no problem with going out and appealing to rural voters in his conservative-tilting district and he enjoys doing it. If Statewide Democrats and democrats in general have the kind of passion and drive Congressman Barrow, who is a independent, conservative democrat in the mold of the late Congressman Bo Ginn (D-Millen) who held that district during the late 1970s-early 80s have, the party would be in much better shape down here

As we approach 2014, I will be watching very closely to see whether or not statewide candidates will put forth a effort and build grassroots support from the Swamps of Ware County to the Cotton fields of Dooly County to the Mountains of Rabun County.

All statewide democrats have to do is just go talk to people. But don't do it in a condescending, "We're going to teach you people how to vote" kind of thing. Go sit at Priscilla's Restaurant in Eastman, Ga or Sister's Country Kitchen in Hazelhurst, Ga and listen to the concerns of citizens who feel slighted by what they see as no progress in terms of job creation, the regression of the local school systems, etc. Establish a presence in Rural Areas such as these. Be a source of information and support. Most Rural Georgians are long-time residents and that means for generations. If Democrats.....Georgia Democrats are seen as just regular people and not the three-headed monster Faux Nooz and the Republican Party (who have had a control of rural Georgia for over a decade now) you'll go a long way toward earning back their trust and ultimately their ear.

One candidate, Gerald Beckum, candidate for the U.S. Senate will have no problem, being a rural conservative democratic mayor of a small town. As for the others and other potential candidates, that remains to be seen.

And for goodness sakes, lose the terminology like "Hicks", "Hillbillies" in describing rural residents in this state. Believe it or not, for the most part, these are good people who would do anything in the world for a person in need. It's important to remember that if the Georgia Democratic Party is grow their numbers, they need to stop avoiding Rural Georgians. If a Jason Carter, or Branko Radulovacki, or Michelle Nunn or whoever can cast him/herself as the candidate for rural voters, someone who understands the plight and values of the rural, bluecollar family, family farmers and attract culturally conservative voters in South Georgia. 

Rural Georgia is pivotal for the resurgence for Georgia Democrats next year going forward. But they must have the right candidate, one who can break through the rural way of life and the culture brickwall, which no democrat, at least so far haven't shown a willingness to do.

It's not complicated: All they have to do is show up!

These visits are important because they have a multiplier effect: Each meeting will lead to a conversation at the barber shop, grocery store or at church about how that democrat came to town. Don't underestimate the power of the grapevine in Rural Georgia!

By democrats staying away from Rural Georgia since 2002, they allowed Republicans to define and caricature them, especially on social issues such as religion and guns. If democrats don't show up, people will only hear what republicans say about them. When Roy Barnes made that ill fated decision to not put much effort into Rural Georgia in 2002, the republicans defined him in unsavory terms and the famous "King Roy" and "Boot Barnes" slogans were all over the place (from his decision to change the confederate flag, among other issues that lead to his defeat). Because of Barnes lack of presence in rural Georgia, he couldn't refute it.

But democrats from here on out, even those who will run for the State legislature need to forcefully explain their convictions, even if they're out of step with Rural Georgia. Rural Georgians can live with candidates with whom they disagree on some issues. But nowadays people are reticent about saying they're a democrat and the reason is because many feel that democrats of today do not share their values and interests. 

Winning with only the bread and butter issues is not enough to appeal to the rural voter. Many here are homeowners and entrepreneurs and and like low taxes and less regulations among other things so that's one of the reasons they vote republican.

Austin Scott and the 8th Congressional Distict

Back in 2010, Austin Scott switched from running for governor to challenging Conservative Democrat Jim Marshall for the 8th CD. That turned out to be a wise move on Scott's part as he rode the anti-Pelosi, anti-Government Tea Party wave election of 2010 in unseating Marshall to become the new congressman of the 8th Congressional District. And as a result the 8th was redrawn to re-assure his re-election by removing democratic Bibb County and placing it into the 2nd CD, currently represented by Sanford Bishop, thus the 8th has become strictly a rural-dominated congressional district with Houston County being the population center of the district.

So since then, what has Congressman Scott done since being elected. Well he's sponsored, or co-sponsored a few bills such as H.R. 972 to protect individual privacy against unwarranted governmental intrusion through the use of drones to introducing a bill to end furloughs and ensure civilian workers are paid. Those are nice gestures, but since arriving in congress, Scott has been a reliable party line soldier for the GOP. The National Journal back in February named Scott the second most conservative lawmaker in the House in 2012. He was named Class President for the 112th Congress after arriving.

Someone asked me without the Tea Party wave of 2010, do I think he could have still managed to unseat Marshall? My answer was no! Without it, he probably would have come close, but not enough to unseat the Bluedog Democrat.

Scott ran unopposed in 2012, will he go unopposed next year? Who knows. I doubt it will come from the GOP side, if it comes from the Democratic side, it will have to be from someone who's background fits the rural congressional district and someone who is not afraid to show their differences with the National Democrats and President Obama.